Introduction
This paper is intended as a contribution to the development of the common law approach to constitutional interpretation as it is advanced by David Strauss and W.J. Waluchow (Strauss 2010; Waluchow 2007, 2008, 2015).
Our aim is to explore the role a written constitution is capable of playing within a legal system that utilizes common law methodology for purposes of interpreting the abstract civil rights provisions of its charter or bill of rights. More specifically, we aim to show how common law development of constitutional meaning can be tied both to the relevant constitutional text as well as to moral developments within the relevant community. To that end, we supplement Strauss’ theory with Waluchow’s notion of a community’s constitutional morality (CCM), the set of moral norms to which the community has committed itself by way of its legal practices and decisions (e.g. through the enactment of laws with moral implications). A key tenet of the resultant theory is that, by interpreting a written constitution according to the current, everydayW.J. Waluchow (*) • K. Stevens
Department of Philosophy, McMaster University,
1280 Main St W, Hamilton, ON L8S 4L8, Canada
e-mail: walucho@mcmaster.ca; radziewsky@web.de
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016 275
T Bustamante, B.G. Fernandes (eds.), Democratizing Constitutional Law,
Law and Philosophy Library 113, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-28371-5_13 meaning of its words within the relevant community, judges are able to take steps toward ensuring that their decisions accord with their community’s constitutional morality, thus avoiding one potentially fatal objection: that the common law approach renders the development of constitutional meaning - and hence constitutional rights and freedoms - completely unsettled and utterly dependent on the variable and subjective moral views of individual judges.
Even though Strauss’s portion of the combined theory is centered on his account of US constitutional practice, the theory we defend here can be applied to any legal system with a written constitution similar to the American one. By this we mean it can apply to any system with a written constitution containing abstract clauses, some of which make reference to basic civil rights (e.g. the rights to free expression and due process) against which government actions of various sorts are to be measured. Our aim is to show that a written constitution can, despite its seemingly underdetermined nature and apparent propensity to unsettle constitutional practice, serve as a stabilizing factor. It can do so by linking development of the constitution to moral and social developments within the relevant community.1
In The Living Constitution, Strauss suggests that the US constitution both should be and has been treated as an inherently adaptable part of US law. The US constitution has developed in an evolutionary way according to the same methodological principles that guide development of common law more generally.[325] [326] Just as familiar common law notions like n egligent and i nherently dangerous continue to be developed as new circumstances arise, new tort cases are decided and precedents distinguished, abstract notions like due process and the equal protection of the law continue to develop as new circumstances arise and judges decide the many constitutional cases in which they figure. As Strauss demonstrates, such a common law approach to constitutional law renders it capable of being both flexible enough to stay relevant for an ever-changing society and yet stable enough to constitute a reliable constitutional framework within which everyday law and politics can play out. If constitutional law evolves in line with standard principles of common law methodology, then change will always be possible, but (usually) in a controlled, incremental manner.[327] In Chap. But if the written constitution is to serve as a common ground, there must be some basis for agreement on its meaning. Otherwise, the intractable disputes it was intended to settle or minimize will continue unabated. If Americans cannot agree on the meaning of phrases like equal protection or due process, then the 14thAmendment cannot serve its role of eliminating or reducing disputes over whether, how and to what extent these notions serve as benchmarks against which to measure government actions. According to Strauss, if the written constitution is to play its stabilizing role, it should be read as meaning, not what its words meant when the constitution was first established (or amended) but what they currently mean within the relevant society. But this renders his theory vulnerable to the objection that the written constitution cannot really function as a stabilizing, common ground because the meanings of words routinely change over time. This is certainly true of those abstract and deeply evaluative terms one typically finds in modern constitutions - that is, all those abstract clauses that make reference to basic civil rights. If so, then it appears as though the meanings of written constitutions that include such terms - i.e. virtually all modern constitutions - are continually open to change, thus threatening, if not completely undermining, the stabilizing, common-ground role constitutions are supposed to serve.[328] Our principal objective in this paper is to answer this potentially fatal objection to what, following Strauss, we will call the common ground theory of the written constitution. We begin by sketching the common law approach to constitutionalism as Strauss presents it. We then move on to a summary of his conception of the written constitution. Finally, we attempt to show how a written constitution can provide the desired common ground. That is, we attempt to demonstrate how a written constitution can fulfil its purported stabilizing function despite the acknowledged fact that the meanings of many of its words are perpetually open to the possibility of change. One final word of caution. This paper is intended as a contribution to the development of the common-law approach to constitutional interpretation, not as a defense of this particular method against rival theories of constitutional interpretation, such as Dworkinian interpretivism or the various originalist theories defended by writers such as Keith Wittington, Larry Solum and Antonin Scalia.[329] As such, it will not engage with these rival theories. Nor will it attempt to assess their respective merits and disadvantages in relation to the common law theory. We assume here only that the common-law theory is at least plausible enough to justify developing it further so as to ward off at least one potentially serious objection to it. That is the extent of our ambition. 13.2