Coase’s legacy in law and economics
In writing ‘The problem of social cost’, Coase intended to correct a consolidated error of the Pigouvian interpretative tradition. From the vantage point of over 30 years, Coase does not appear to show any sign of repentance.
In the conclusion of his 1988 annotations on the problem of social costs, Coase reiterates his belief that there are few reasons to give credibility to the Pigouvian approach: ‘My point was simply that such tax proposals are the stuff that dreams are made of. In my youth it was said that what was too silly to be said may be sung. In modern economics it may be put into mathemat- ics’.118 According to Coase, the usual shortage of the data necessary to establish the level of Pigouvian taxes or subsidies renders the Pigouvian solution replete with imprecise estimations.119 To admit that in the presence of perfect information, the system of Pigouvian taxes is impeccable,120 does not imply that it may be the same in a world full of unknowns.Coase formulates a rigorous argument in support of his severe conclusions. His point is that, in addition to the relative difficulty of gathering the necessary information for an effective use of the Pigouvian taxes,121 this type of approach lacks symmetry in addressing the problem of externalities. According to Coase, economists in the Pigouvian tradition fail to consider the possible reciprocity of the effects of individual choices.122 By labelling one agent as injurer and the other as victim, the Pigouvian tradition presumes an initial allocation of rights.123 In such a manner, this approach falls into a serious methodological error.124 By taxing the generator of the externality in a measure corresponding to the difference between the private cost and the social cost of his own activity, Pigou’s followers fail to consider the effects of potential victims’ behaviour.
If the social cost of the industrial emissions is calculated by aggregating the economic disadvantages of the residents that are negatively affected by the smoke, the figure will vary with the number of individuals who fix their residence in that area. If the Pigouvian tax is imposed on the industrial activity only, there will be less incentive for each resident to consider moving into a different neighbourhood. Coase illustrates his argument with the following scenario:The example I used to illustrate my argument was that of a factory whose smoke would cause damage of $100 per annum but in which a smoke-prevention device could be installed for $90. Since emitting smoke would involve the owner of the factory in paying taxes of $100, he would install the smoke-prevention device, thereby saving $10 per annum. Nevertheless the situation may not be optimal. Assume that those who would suffer the damage could avoid it by taking steps which would cost $40 per annum. In this case, if there were no tax and the factory emitted the smoke, the value of production would be greater by $50 per annum ($90 minus $40).125
Coase renders his reasoning even more convincing by taking into consideration the choices of new individuals who locate their residence in that area, without considering the potential increase in the costs imposed on the industrial activity. Through these arguments, Coase’s analysis demonstrates the incapacity of the Pigouvian approach to consider the interdependence of the harmful effects generated by individual choices.
These are, in truth, complex questions which have engaged a whole generation of economists and policy makers. The two approaches - sound in their respective analyses - must be evaluated in light of the specific circumstances. Lawyers and policy makers will have to be particularly attentive to the respective assumptions of each tradition, weighing the relative strengths of each remedy in the treatment of the complex situations they encounter. In considering the Pigouvian and Coasean traditions, one can no longer think of two directly opposed theories, in which the first identifies the solution with the choice of the optimal parameters for the fiscal imposition, while the other maintains that, in the long run, all externalities will be cured in the market.
The issue for the jurist is of a broader scope. It deals with the unstable relationship between private and public remedies in the pursuance of social goals. The jurist may have limited opportunity to enter actively into this debate, but he/she should always treasure Coase’s intuition in reappraising familiar legal issues.
More on the topic Coase’s legacy in law and economics:
- Backhaus Jürgen G. (ed.). The Elgar Companion to Law And Economics. Second Edition. Edward Elgar,2005. – 777 p.2, 2005
- Transaction costs and Coase’s theory of institutions
- Conclusions