Conclusions
How does the knowledge of the social analyst relate to the plurality of economic knowledges? What kinds of interventions will a reconstructed economic sociology make into the technological economy? First, this book, following Callon’s argument, constitutes a case for placing the anthropology of economic knowledges at the centre of economic sociology.
The set of approaches explored here needs to be sharply distinguished from the customary stances of economic sociology towards economics as a discipline: it has tried to ‘humanise’ economics by embedding it in socio-cultural lifeworlds; it has tried to critique economics as wrong or ideological; and - in the form of political economy - has tried to reconstruct economics as a revolutionary politics. These engagements with economics have had little impact on economics as a discipline and at the same time have failed to attend to the totality of plural economic knowledges that - alongside the formal economics which it ironically fetishises - are actively framing what comes to be recognised as ‘the economy’. It is high time for economic sociology both to address the full range of economic knowledges in a sociological, rather than a merely critical, agenda and to acknowledge itself as yet another agency of economic knowledge and intervention.Second, the approaches explored here point to the value of a radical empiricism which is attentive to the particularities and complexities of places, events and actors. We acknowledge that this approach must address problems of generalisation (which we have explored through the issues of macro-economy and economic forms). Nonetheless, it is through the analytical embrace of the empirical, of the particular case and event, that we can disentangle our own economic constructs from the grand and virtual narratives produced by other economics while at the same time connecting them (politically and analytically) to the economic knowledges of actual social actors.
This demands more complex ethical and political positioning than in earlier days, and a messy engagement with social realities. Rather than modelling virtual social agents (e.g., the rational man of neo-liberalism or the proletariat of Marxist political economy), this indicates the need to understand the formation ofmarkets and economic processes through heterogeneous arrangements of ethically impure agents, entangled in contingent circumstances, and evolving dynamically. It is significant that many economic sociologists, including the authors of this article (just like many science and technology researchers before them) are increasingly engaged in messy and impure research - in policy, in politics, in development work, in market research - in which our economic knowledges work alongside others in the generation of new knowledges. The task is to conduct this work with ethical reflexivity and without becoming complicit with economic ‘facts’ or with the ‘objectivity’ of dominant economic narratives.
Notes
1 The chapters by Callon, Meadel and Rabeharisoa, Slater, Strathern and Barry were originally presented at a workshop held at Goldsmiths College, University of London in December 2000.
2 Thrift (1998: 163) argues that academic economics does not have a great deal of importance for business, although it does have significance for states: “[political economy and economics] are important as discursive elements of states,justifying action in producing arenas that the state enacts as ‘economic’”.
3 In this volume, the chapters by Lury and Strathern also seek to reconceptualise the relation between the internal and external, although not in relation to this specific issue.
4 Consider, for example, the efforts of environmentalists to make the effects of development projects on global warming the object of explicit calculation by international financial institutions in determining funding decisions.
5 Two influential anthologies were titled The Social Shaping of Technology (Mackenzie and Wajcman 1985) and The Social Construction of Technological Systems (Bijker et al.
1989).6 Callon and Latour 1992: 348.
7 Translation could come to follow predictable paths. “A network becomes irreversible to the extent that its translations are consolidated, making further translations foreseeable and inevitable. Under such circumstances, embodied skills, experimental devices, and systems of statements become increasingly dependent and complementary” (Callon 1995: 59, see also Callon 1991).
8 The notion of agencement, used by Deleuze, is usually translated as assemblage or arrangement. These translations do not, however, convey the sense of agency and process suggested by the French term.
9 Writers on governmentality, influenced by Foucault, have made a similar argument. See, for example, Burchell 1996.
10 This image persists. Despite a mass of empirical evidence, and his protestations to the contrary, Manuel Castells finds it impossible to move beyond the vision of structural Marxism in which technology and the economy are ultimately determining. According to Castells: “a technological revolution, centred around information technologies, is reshaping, at accelerated pace, the material basis of society” (Castells 1996: 1).
11 Cf. Rose 1999: 142-5.
12 Callon’s approach can also be distinguished from Habermas in its stress on the right to resist the normative demand for participation in the public sphere. Writing about a patient who refuses to identify with or participate in the politics of a patients’ organisation, Callon and Rabeharisoa note the following: “The triple demand underlying the establishment of a public arena (demand for visibility, demand for debatability and demand for participation and articulation) and which, once accepted, legitimises its existence, is replaced, by the collective, by three counter-demands, a demand for opacity.. a demand for non-argumentation (‘that's how it is and nothing can be done about it') and a demand for exclusion (the collective is not trying to articulate itself to the outside)” (Callon and Rabeharisoa 2003: 28-9).
13 “Homo Sociologicus has become a hybrid, at once actor and sociologist... Consequently the choice of actors with which the sociologists is associated is crucial” (Callon 1999: 72).
14 LAssociation Franyaise contre les myopathies (AFM).
15 On the “circumstances of politics” see Waldron (1999) and Barry (this volume).
16 Since political actions against specific brands (such as Nike, Esso, Starbucks) may affect share prices the distinction between “financial” and “political” reporting may be hard to draw. Demonstrations conducted at company Annual General Meetings are likely to be reported in the financial pages of newspapers.
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