Conclusion
This chapter has attempted to engage with tribal identity in relation to Adivasi demand for a separate religion code in the census and highlighted a necessity for taking up the issue as a core concern on larger tribal political platforms.
In the past, conventional political discourse has been related to development, national identity, and class struggle. The Adivasi question is never a central concern of mainstream political discourse. Historically tribals have been resisting for their rights, protection of environment against exploitations, and for rehabilitations, as a never-ending process. But as argued here there is a need to see tribal social movements and attempts of resistance in relation to the larger identity question and its interrelations with constitutional rights and provisions. State and various non-state actors’ approach towards Adivasis is condescending and charity oriented. This has particularly hemmed Adivasis. The fundamental problem is that the state and organisations like RSS, who hail immense power in the country, oppose distinct Adivasi identity, and consider them Hindus. Invisiblisation from discourse and non-recognition of identity is basically denying self-respect and dignity that one deserves. In this sense it can be argued that morally, legally, and ethically it is a wrong done by the State for not recognising tribal religion as a separate identity.Community gives meaning to its existence based on the fundamental communitarian identity of members. Adivasis have preserved their unique identity through the ages, but the community has remained exposed to identity erosion attempts by State and non-state actors, and through religious affiliations in recent years.
There is an urgency to address heterogeneity and inequality in Adivasi societies at the political and social front constructively. We have to see Adivasi identity questioned in terms of the continuum of religious practices in relation to other religion.
In order to explain this further, the unaddressed relationship between multiplicity of religious practices among Adivasis; and their socio-religious political identity may create confusion and breeding ground for anti-Adivasi elements to intensify and deepen existing fissures by the techniques of polarisation and assimilation as we witness in case of Sarna followers. There are various dynamics of tribal identity questions; the first one is the crisis of identity taking place when projected identity fails to identify in the popular narrative; and the second one is multiple micro-identities that have created confusion and disillusionment to and in projecting coherent picture of unified tribal/Adivasi/indigenous identity. Demand for an Adivasi religious column in the census is an assertion for a separate religious identity by tribal communities. But the question of tribal religious identity cannot come to a conclusion unless we address the internal fault lines and micro-aggressions that have developed among Adivasi communities over religious lines owing to differences in customs, and in religious and cultural practices. Tribes who have converted to Christianity or other religions have, to some extent, been considered to be materially better off than their non-Christian counterparts; there are tribes who are more vocal about their demands and articulate it very well and put forth their perspectives more than tribes who are less popular or not dominant tribes like PVGT (Particularly Vulnerable Tribes) or DNTs (Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes); the latter’s perspectives are either missing from the narrative or not documented at all; needless to say, such limitations are to be considered while discussing and negotiating tribal identity in general and in the sphere of religion in particular.Social change is a dynamic process. Due to various generic processes like detribalisation, democratisation, retribalisation, revitalisation, etc. tribal society has undergone remarkable changes.
This also has had an impact on tribal and other religions. Due to the influences of other religious communities residing in the vicinity, the exchange of some cultural practices is a common phenomenon; but tribals have preserved and maintained their unique religious identity. Many artisan castes who are settled among the Koya, Kondh, and Gabada tribes of South Odisha are assimilated with the tribal population and except endogamy, have adopted tribal dialect, way of life, festivals, and worship methods. Similarly, direct bearing on tribal culture has increased due to increased migration, communication, urbanisation, conversions, education, or locational proximity with other groups. Thus, cultural boundaries have always been porous and fluid. But an alarming situation arises when one culture loses its cultural and religious identity in favour of any other (dominant) religion.These factors need to be considered while negotiating tribal religious identity and a separate religion code for tribals in the census to reinforce tribal identities in the changing context. As a way out, there needs to be consensus building through dialects among tribal groups and every actor that engages with tribal issues by keeping in mind their worldview and cultural difference. Effort towards building cultural-religious identity as a unifying force for tribals that would not only create amicable relations among tribes but also would be proved as a strategic political tool where the community would get currency to represent itself and negotiate with State for the dues that the non-tribals of the country deserves.
The main take away from the essay is to rethink the religious identity demands of Adivasis in relation to normative and ideological sense. It is important for consciousness of a kind that has the potential to change the political canvas along with people’s beliefs and mind. Society does not become democratic merely by adopting a universal franchise or modern competitive electoral system; it becomes democratic when each individual and group has negotiating power and can voice their opinion and assert their claimed identity.
But all together their religious concepts are intricately convoluted with ideas of ecological system, nature, and spirits which have to be given a space.Notes
1 Sarana/Sarna is a faith, primarily based on the worship of trees, among some tribes of Jharkhand. This faith is also the name of the religion of these tribes and stands as a synonym of nature worship.
2 Motiravan Kangli freed the religious places of Gond Koitur from the occupation of Hindus and he wanted to promote Koya Punem/Ponem which means he wanted to promote Gondi philosophy and religion. So Koya Ponem is translated as Gondi religion and philosophy.
3 Bhartiya Janata Party MP asserted that tribals who lose their legacy of their ancestor will be removed from reservation (Vasava 2021).
4 Functionalism, which was at the core of Bronislaw Malinowski’s writigns, seeks to discover newly formed connections in and between societies.
5 For detailed report on the killing of Swami Laxmananad refer web source: https://www.firstpost.com/long-reads/8-years-after-swami-laxmanananda-saraswatis-killing-kandhamal-is-still-a-tick- ing-time-bomb-2-3274766.html
6 Safa-hor are followers of a somewhat Saiva cult represented by Deswali Majhi community. And um-hors are Christian Santhals and Bonga-hor are followers of Sari Dharam religion.
7 Sari Dharam is religion of Santal Adivasis. Sarna is a religion of other adivasis like the Oraon, the Munda, the Ho, and the Santals of West Bengal, Jharkhand, Bihar, Assam, Odisha; also some tribals converted to Christianity and Hinduism and Islam. But only Santals follow Sari Dharam. Sari Dharam is recognised tribal religion in West Bengal. The literal meaning of Sari is honesty.
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