Impact of Christianity in contemporary period
When we look at the contemporary times, in spite of the massive Christianisation of the Khasi population, the social structure of the Khasi has withstood the challenge of change.
The matrilineal system of the Khasi might have certainly surprised the early Christian missionaries when they first came into contact with the people. They saw that despite being surrounded by patriarchal societies, matriliny had deeply rooted in the culture of the Khasi and hence they decided not to interfere with the system. In fact, though the missionaries and even the colonial administrators could properly understand the concept of matriliny, none of the Christian denominations felt the need to alter the system. As a member of the Khasi community I can say with authority that there have been certain rituals of matriliny which are non-religious in character, but are parts of customs that are being incorporated in the Christian marriages. Therefore, keeping in mind that the rituals involved in traditional mat- riliny have been detached and hence, we may say that a new form of matrilineal system has evolved as a secular social phenomenon especially when it comes to marriage and kinship.13.3.1 Changes in the Matrilineal System
The tradition followed by the Khasi for marriages is also one of the factors which signify the close ties between them and culture. To the Khasi, marriage is not only a contract, but it is a sacred bond between a man and a woman and between their respective clans as well. Marriage is strictly exogamous which means that marriage within the same clan is Ka Shong Sang (an unpardoned sin). It is mention worthy that the Ka Shong Sang resulting from marriage between members of the same clan, irrespective of their religious background is still observed along with other Khasi customary laws of marriage. Ka Shong Sang Synrai, that is marrying one’s sister-in-law or mother-in-law is also an unpardonable sin.
Further, Ka Sang Sohpet (marrying the children of one’s father’s brother) and Ka Sang Syngken (marrying father’s sister or their grandchildren) are forbidden among the Khasi. A Khasi cannot marry his Bakha (maternal uncle’s daughter) during the lifetime of the maternal uncle, but he can never marry Nia Kha (the daughter of his paternal aunt) as it tanta- mounts to Ai Khaw Kylliang, (name of a taboo) which is an insult to the father; because it means a return of bread and luck and the person of his father to his clan (Giri1990:13). There are instances of Iateh Kur (clans being connected with one another). Although P. R. T. Gurdon observes that there is no custom of hypergamy among the Khasi, however, we may relook into this when we study the inter-marriage relation between ruling and nonruling groups in Khasi society (Gurdon 1975:76-79). Perhaps the doctrinal philosophy and teachings of Christianity itself have prevented the churches from adopting any stringent measure towards any couple found of Shong Sang and solely believe that such a sin will be punished by God himself since it brought shame and bad omen to the family, clan, and society as a whole. In fact, even Christian missionaries upheld the system and were ready to comply with this traditional custom within the church. While discussing about Christianity as a secondary participation agent of change which has helped in creating a new cultural set up, Snaitang (1998:67) opines that there was no intention on the part of the missionaries to modify the matriliny and kinship ties of the Khasi. For instance, the Welsh Presbyterian constituted the Standing Incest Committee to look after those involve in incestuous marriages. Although the traditional believers strongly believe that culprits are punishable by Ka Tait-Kur (ex-communication from the clan or Ka Beh Shnong (exile from village), but I must admit that till date myself as a Khasi who follows Christianity have not come across any reference about the punishment adopted by any of the Christian denominations in this regard. Thus, it is observed that the traditional norms of matriliny still very much applicable in contemporary times among the Khasi. However, there are groups such as Ka Syngkhong Rympei Thymmai who wanted to adopt patriliny claiming that for so long matriliny had held back the society from progress, besides other reasons. One cannot say that this could have been the impact of Christianity since the issue of inheritance of ancestral property among Khasi family might have been one of the dominant factors for such a proposal.13.3.2 Changes in Marriage and Kinship
With regards to marriage among the Khasi, it is the duty of a man to propose to a woman. Once consent has been arrived by both families, the Kni (maternal uncle) has the moral duty of ascertaining that no incestuous relationship takes place. This is usually done during Ka Jingiateh Ktien (engagement) held at the woman’s place and only male members of the man’s family can attend the function. Kni of both parties play active role in the pre-marital arrangements in order to make sure that marriages are done as per the traditions and norms of the church. On the wedding day, the Kni of the bride would lead her during the time she came out of her house to go to the place or church arranged for the wedding ceremony to take place.5 Relatives of the bridegroom deliver a pig to the bride’s house a day before the wedding. It is made sure that they choose the best pig which is well built and free from diseases; otherwise if any defect is found in the pig that would be a big shame to the bridegroom’s family. On the wedding day, male members of bride’s family deliver plain rice and well cooked pork without using any salt in it to the bridegroom’s house in well cleaned pots. Before the bridegroom leaves his place, his mother blesses her son; and prayers of blessings are offered by other elders of the family; and the same ceremonial formalities are also done in the bride’s house. On the same day, Ka Ring Kongor or Ka Shaw Kongor is observed.
It is a tradition for the bride’s relatives to wait for the bridegroom and his relatives halfway before the latter reach the place where the wedding is supposed to take place; the former offer refreshment including betel nut and betel leaf (Kwai) to the bridegroom party. After the marriage ceremony is over, the newlywed male goes to the wife’s house to receive blessings from the latter’s mother and other close female members of her family. Before entering the house Ka Tah Umphniang (a welcome ritual of putting a little bit of oil on bride and groom’s forehead) is performed; this is followed by offering of Kwai from the family to the couple. Towards the end of the day (after the reception in modern times), again the newlywed couple go to wife’s house along the male members of the husband who finally deliver the groom to the wife’s family and this tradition is known as Ka On Kongor. Here the husband offers Pla Iew (a traditional bag) to his wife as a mark of his commitment; it is also symbolic way of giving her the authority to look after the household activities. Three to four days after the marriage, Ka Leit Kai Kha is performed which means the husband takes his wife and her family members to his parental and relatives’ houses. Before entering the house, his mother puts some oil on the couples and prayer of blessing is offered by the members of the family. Another unique trend which can be found among the Khasi and which distinguishes them from other tribes of the Northeast India, with the exception of the Garos, is that after marriage the man has to leave his parents and family to stay with his wife, but the family being under the jurisdiction of the Kur (clan), they cannot be detached from it. In case of divorce, the man or woman can return to the Kur. They continue to live in wife’s parental house till they build their own (Dutta 1982: 206). Therefore, the traditional norms and social obligations still have some weight in matters relating to the marriage ceremony. Thus, it may be observed that the traditional practices still carry some weight in wedding ceremonies; however with the onslaught of modernisation and the diversities of denominational norms, the significance of following the traditional marriage customs as described above seems to vary from one family to the other both in rural and urban set up.Another factor which has helped to retain some of the elements of Khasi customs is kinship. In this regard Synrem (1992:20) opines that “kinship still provides the essential basis for the Khasi structure; as a matter of fact, it has proved the most conservative element in Khasi society”. With a family as the nucleus unit of lineage and kinship, the clan (Kur) is a binding force that unifies the family. The code of necessity ensures that there develops a larger sense of kinship solidarity transcending the clan. This implies that members of a clan irrespective of their difference in their faith come together for meetings or gatherings of a clan. Hence, we may say that matriliny has a strong essence in the cultural identity of the Khasi which many of them find it hard to depart from. Although Christianity was built on a firm patrilineal concept, the Christian missionaries, however, from the early period of their work in the Khasi Hills have not challenged the matrilineal system, contrary to the strong propensity in Christian teaching and practices where man takes precedence over women. The churches have not insisted on a radical transformation in terms of a transition from matriliny to patriliny having realised the rootedness of matriliny in Khasi society. In addition, ancestral property of a family is still being given to the Ka Khadduh (youngest daughter) who acts as a guardian and caretaker of the property.6 For followers of traditional belief she still plays a major role in rituals of the house and the clan; but for the ones who have adopted Christianity, they do not follow the traditional practice anymore.
However, the impact of Christianity cannot be totally overruled since the converts tend to follow the tenets of their new faith which somehow collided with the fundamentals of the traditional culture. For instance, difficulties arise when the position of Ka Khadduh, who converted to Christianity, was in conflict with traditional norms; thus arises the problems of maladjustment.7 Gradually, the Khasi-Jaintia have been adopting western models in their dress, professions, food habits, and even western names for their children (Shangpliang 2018:18).8 The change is not restricted to kinship, but Christian concepts and practices take over the traditional ones even in affairs related to the cremation and burial practices.13.3.3 Changes in the disposal of the dead
Till date, when a person dies it is the custom of the Khasi to visit the concerned house for consolation and preparation of the funeral. The relatives prepare food for themselves and for all attendees for a minimum period of three days. We can witness some changes here. When a person who follows traditional religion, the village Durbar informs the people through Ka Pyrta Shnong (sending message); while for Christians the church takes the responsibility to ring the church bells to inform the people about the death. Traditionally, it was believed that it was not wise for the close relatives of the deceased to take bath until the corpse is cremated. We find this practice declining since many questions the logic behind this tradition. The burial practices have also changed among the Christians in which the corpse is no longer cremated, but is buried according to Christian traditions based on the denomination’s ritual norms. After the funeral, relatives stay at the deceased’s house and seldom leave for their works for a period of three consecutive days. In between these days,
The Impact of Christianity on Khasi Society of Meghalaya relatives visit the cemetery to offer prayer and food as a mark of remembrance, respect, and care. P.R.T. Gurdon informs that the Khasi (traditional) collected uncalcined bones and ashes of the deceased members of the clan and bestowed in the Mawbah, or great cinerarium of the clan. This practice was the most important religious ceremony that the Khasis performed. The bones are buried in the village under a large slab of stone (the Khasi stone cinerarium), and a monolith is erected outside the village to commemorate the deceased (Gurdon 1975:140-144). During the first anniversary of the day, the member of the family of the departed soul come together for remembrance and prayer, and in the evening, feast is prepared for the family members, neighbours, and friends. This shows that the Khasi ways of treating the dead with respect has strong foundation from earlier times, although a number of changes have taken place with the coming of Christianity. In the contemporary period, the above tradition and the erection of monoliths by a clan has come to a standstill. One significant change is the emergence of modern cemetery where every denominations and churches possess a land used for burial of their members. This occurred with the coming of the Welsh Presbyterian Missions who established the first cemetery at Nongsawlia located in Sohrain in 1845, and have a major influence on the Khasi Christians from that time onwards. Another notable change is the use of western style of coffins among the Christians, but this practice is also adopted by many followers of traditional belief system.
13.3.4 Changes in other cultural traits
Most of the beliefs which have been laid out by the forefathers through word of mouth are still kept by the non-converts. Certain beliefs are also still being followed by the Christians as well. To name a few: One cannot start a new work, buy new things like house, land, car etc., marry, divorce, during the month of April; a woman cannot fish or cut her hair while being pregnant, one cannot put a lid on the top of a vessel while warming the water for taking bath, etc. There are number of writings both in English and vernacular language in the form of prose and poetry, which are collections of principles and moral etiquettes that every Khasi is expected to follow; and by failing to follow, one is looked down by the others which implies that an individual loses his/her self-respect, and at the same time is believed having no respect for others and for the forefathers. Respect for others and a forefather as well is a virtue which shows an individual’s community sense. Another element here is the aspect of protecting nature. Sacred groves are considered to be sacred not only because of the belief that the spirits resided in the forest and any harm done to it would incur bad things to happen to that individual/accused, but also it symbolises the Khasi’s love for nature. People were forbidden to commit nuisance, to cut trees or branches, to fish or to kill any living thing in these groves. The fear of social rejection, the feeling that violation of these prohibitions would bring divine displeasure kept the traditional Khasi within the bind of taboos (Rymbai 1993:68-102). This is strictly followed by the non-converts and annual rites are performed by the Lyngdoh or local priest to pray to the Gods. Among the Christian Khasi, even though the belief in the existence of spirits and demons is slightly lessened but they are still clinging to the idea that misfortune occurs to any person who defiles the premises of the groves through prohibited acts. Therefore, the concept of protecting these groves is still very strong among all the Khasi, and both converts and non-convert contribute immensely to it.
Another remarkable feature of the Khasi people is their love for music. Khasi culture like other cultures, such as tribal ones, possess its own indigenous music which explains the
folk and traditional ingenuity in the field that has developed a long time ago. Christianity brought with it influence of western music which had an adverse effect on the Khasi music and eventually led to the decline of the use of Khasi indigenous music. A number of writers like Nigel Jenkins, J. Fortis Jyrwa, Radiancy Rnga, E. W. Kharshohnoh, and others have pointed out the harm done by the early missionaries with regard to the exclusion of Khasi thought and musical traditions in the church. However, from the 1980s onwards, there has been a movement among the youths, church members, and music composers who have expressed their taste and liking for Khasi indigenous tunes. This has also inspired many local music composers to compose songs and choral music in indigenous forms (Ksoo 2008:12-13). With this development, Khasi traditional musical instrument which are previously used during the festivals by the Seng Khasi, now get a boost in demand from all corners of Khasi society, and in the church programmes as well. This clearly indicates that interest of the Christian Khasi in traditional music and songs cannot be discarded. The people understand that religion cannot detach them from the strong attachment with their cultural practices.
Related to music is the involvement of the Khasi people in dances, both sacred and secular. There are a number of dances all over the Khasi Hills which are performed on a number of occasions and are gradually disappearing due a number of factors. Some of these which can be mentioned include Ka Shad Hima (dance of the state), Ka Bam Khana Shnong (community feast), Ka Shad Beh Mrad (hunting dance), Ka Shad Phap Kwiar (fishing dance), Ka Shad Shyngwiang Thangiap (a ceremonial dance performed on the occasion of death in the family), and Ka Shad Kynjoh Khaskain (house-warming ceremony dance) (Nongkynrih 1994:20). Similar changes are seen in many dances associated with agricultural rites such as Ka Shad Shoh Kba and Ka Shad Nongrep, and although they vary from one village to another they have nearly disappeared and are seen performed only in some parts of the West Khasi Hills. Many factors might have contributed to the decline of these dances. One of the obvious factors is the impact of modernity where youth prefer to move out of the villages in search of better education in the cities and towns. No doubt, with the passing away of elders, the traditions also decline with time. Another factor might be the involvement of certain traditional rituals with religious connotations which made it difficult for Christians to take part in the dances.
13.4