0.2 Introducing the Handbook and Contents

The first volume of the Handbook includes 28 chapters, excluding the introduction chapter, with equal number of topical focuses on the subject of tribe and religions. It covers 17 states and 19 tribal communities - both individual and more than one tribe - in 18 chapters.

A thematic organisation of 28 chapters on different topical issues into a systematic presentation of changes, responses, and contemporaneity is a challenging endeavour. Serialisation of themes is still more challenging. However, a framework of presentation is outlined under seven thematic divisions for a systematic arrangement of the notion of tribal religion within the broader context of negotiation with emerging dynamics.

It is to be made clear that the notion of ‘tribe and religions’ is proposed as a conceptual departure from the notion of ‘tribal religion’ to situate tribes, both in general and specific contexts of the category ‘tribe’, meaningfully in changing dimensions of contemporary reli­gious worldview.

Anthropologists use the framework of syncretism to study a contemporary situation of one or more tribes. They also study a syncretic tradition within the framework of change and continuity. Both frameworks present the situation, but do not explain how and why it is so. We introduce the notion of contemporaneity as an alternative analytical tool to change and continuity or syncretism so that we understand each stage of interface from the past to the present (Behera 2016). By definition, contemporaneity underlies historical process, but in seven chapters included under this theme, historicity has not been the core of discussion, though it is not completely absent.

One period in the process of Indian history marks tribal and colonial interface. Tribal religion encountered Christian religion brought in by missionaries and the traditional belief system of the tribes underwent change. In our contemporary period the interface between traditional and Christian belief systems is an interesting area of academic investigation that includes the ways the traditional belief system were situated within Christian worldview during the colonial period are being contested by tribal intellectuals leading to an emerg­ing tradition of indigenous Christianity. Even revivalism of traditional religion against Christianity is a crucial dimension of religious tradition. The issues have been discussed in three research articles included under the theme Multi- and Cross Cultural Negotiations. Primarily, the above three themes underlie the framework of contemporaneity but with dif­ferent topical focus.

Study on changes provides several implications. We come across shifting religious worldview, conceptualisation of religious tradition and institutionalisation process along with emerging politics in religion. Chapters have been discussed under the above thematic frameworks which give a picture of negotiation of tribal religion with empirical and theo­retical perspectives.

All 28 chapters (excluding the introduction) have their respective core arguments with focus on single or more issues; and more issues carry the potentiality of further academic interpretations.

0.2.1 Contemporaneity

Historical process is either explicit or implicit in any contemporary religious tradition (cf. Guha 1987:x) studied within the framework of ‘change and continuity’, syncretism, limi- nality, etc. Therefore, Behera (2016) has proposed the concept of ‘contemporaneity’ as an analytical tool to study all forces which interplay in giving shape to a phenomenon at any contemporary period. Contemporaneity suggests the possibility of multiple approaches to examine a phenomenon even though it is generally reducible to specialised treatment.

Study of syncretic religious/cultural tradition or change and continuity against the back­drop of either implicit or explicit historical process is the context of contemporaneity. Arguably, any cultural/religious tradition over time is exposed to historical process. In other words, all such situations can be studied using a contemporaneity approach. However, in doing so, other dimensions of studying religion/culture remain absent. Therefore, this volume introduces contemporaneity as a possible framework of engaging with religious studies, includes seven chapters on it, and at the same time focuses on other dimensions of importance as appear in the chapters under relevant thematic sections.

The prevailing tradition of visits of non-convert Waddars and Yerukulas of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana states to Hindu temples like Venkateswara of Tirupati, Penchala Narasimha Swami Temple of Panchalakona, Malakonda Swami Temple of Pamuru, Veera Brahma Matham of Cuddapah, Mallamkonda Swami Temple, Peddamma temple of Nellore, etc.; and convert ones to the church has historical connections. But what Malli Gandhi has focused on is what they believe and practise at present; the historicity though plays a silent role.

Ahom’s Hinduisation, a historical anecdote, and efforts of a section of the commu­nity belonging to Mohan, Deodhai, and Bailung, the priestly clans among the Ahoms at present, to preserve traditional beliefs and practices is the core of argument in Diganta Hatiboruah’s chapter. The joint chapter of Ubaid Ahmad Dar and Mitoo Das has pro­vided a systematic account of a syncretism of Islamic and non-Islamic traditions prevailing in pastoralist Bakarwal community. Religious tradition, as the authors have presented, is evidently community specific; but there are instances where the syncretic practice of primal and neighbourhood religions has influence over a section of the people. What is silent is the discussion on historical interaction that has shaped the contemporary belief system of the Bakarwals. The religious life of the Kabui tribe of Manipur is another example of a syn-

cretic tradition evolved over a period of interactions. The tribe as Potshangbam Binodini Devi accounts is divided between Christian Kabui and traditional Kabui; the latter follow­ing a revival tradition called Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak (TRC). In her chapter Devi has focused on change and continuity of rites and rituals practised by TRC group who forms one of the religious sects of the Kabui.

In a scientific age, sorcery is found to be in practice among the Sabar tribe of Purulia district of West Bengal; but what is crucial in the joint chapter of Soumita Chatterjee and Sutapa Choudhury is that non-Sabars in the neighbourhood are its takers.

Change and continuity understood with reference to time dimension, as has been men­tioned, is at the core of contemporaneity. The time dimension may not point to a process, but to a comparison between two periods of time. This is evident in the joint chapter of Utpal Kumar Chakraborty, Vinamrta, and Binod Narayan. They have tried to understand dynamics of contemporary Oraon religion by comparing it with S.C.Roy’s book entitled Oraon Religion and Customs and published in the year 1928. The changes are slow, but, as it is evident from the chapter, have meaningful implications.

0.2.2 State, Tribe, and Religion

Three chapters under the theme Reflection of the Past have unequivocally mentioned the role of the state in the historical process that helped shape the present nuance of reli­gious discourse with regard to means and modes of conversion drive, and emergence of Ao Christianity and the Birsites. The state as an agent of influencing tribal religion has passing reference in some chapters, but it is not at the core of discussion as it is in four chapters under the theme State, Tribe, and Religion. The first chapter by Pravat K. Mallick explores how a tribal deity has found a place in the Hindu pantheon due to royal patronage and has become a regional deity in Southern, Central, and Western Odisha among both tribal and non-tribal communities.

Political expediency has diverse implications; one being administrative acumen, as is evi­dent during colonial rule, to divide and rule by categorising people in one way or the other. Categorisation of a section of Indian population as tribe and confused efforts of assign­ing them a distinct ‘religion’ falls under this schema. The legacy of indecisiveness created with regard to religion has its continuity even in post-Independence India. But empirical evidences show that tribal communities do not have a single religion to be categorised as ‘tribal religion’ or in some other nomenclature. Census records keep on changing the name of religion in the context of tribe also; we find curious names, even the name of the moun­tain or a sacred place like Luguburu (name of a mountain in Santal territory) as the religion of a tribe! Rajesh Roshan’s chapter highlights challenges of enumeration and the religions followed by tribal communities in census reports up to 2011.

Another implication of religion’s political expediency emanates from its perceived con­tribution to people’s welfare within the ethics of the religion. Therefore, religious institu­tions and leaders either support or oppose state policies depending on usefulness of religion for the society which they perceive with reference to policies. Political participation of religious leaders has been justified on the ground of acting as a pressure group on the state to follow religious-sanctioned ways of human welfare. This is the essence in Jangkhongam Doungel’s chapter in the context of the Mizoram state of India. State and religion interface for the ‘welfare’ of people has been graphically presented by him in the chapter of reference.

0.2.3 Multi- and Cross-Cultural Negotiations

Traditional religious worldview and Christianity (in its form and spirit as was introduced by missionaries during the colonial period) are apparently two different cultural tradi­tions. In Christianity, traditional culture, particularly with regard to religious worldview, remained absent in practices. Christianity, however, could provide a religious space, but not a cultural space linked with the original identity of people. Over the course of time, convert tribes and other communities have attempted a negotiation between traditional culture and Christianity-bred culture. Such a negotiation is evident in the process of the indigenisation of Christianity (Sahay 1981 and Zhimo 2015). The process is articulated as ‘decolonisation’ in the context of Tangkhul Naga community by Taimaya Ragui in the chapter in which he argues for a ‘decolonial thinking’ in the contemporary religious tradition. The negotiation reflects how Christianity and traditional culture (without religious aspect) can co-exist.

Co-existence, however, was not smooth during the initial period of introduction of Christianity. It was a confrontation between two cultures - traditional and Christianity- bred. Nevertheless, the contemporary religious tradition, as Rusievan Shangpliang argues, is not divided practices; rather it is a syncretic form in the context of the Khasi people. The Seng Khasi tradition that emerged by opposing Christianity also shows a departure from the pre-Christian Khasi belief system to a perceptible extent. Shangpliang dispassionately gives credit to the impact of Christianity for the emergence of syncretic tradition among the Khasis.

The impact can be studied conversely, i.e. the impact of traditional religion, or the changed traditional one in the course of interaction, on Christianity. Seiminchon Chongloi’s chapter explores the presence of changing traditional rituals in the religious worldview of Christian Kukis. He has provided a systematic rendering of meaning to the structure and spirit of ritu­als practised by them. While Chongloi or Shangpliang deals with one-to-one correspond­ence between traditional religious worldview and Christianity, Marianmai Maisuangdibou has expanded the sphere of interaction and impact to three religious traditions, namely (1) Characheng (primal religion of the Hamai) and its offshoots, (2) Heraka, (3) Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak (TRC), and (4) Christianity in contemporary Hamai (Zeliangrong) communities. At present traditional or reformist traditional religions and Christianity dis­play a mutual negotiation perfectly matching with emerging intellectuality of the educated section.

0.2.4 Shifting Religious Worldview

Chapters in the volume unequivocally allude to changes in religious tradition of the tribes due to conversion, adoption, or influence of any such process. The changes are presented in rites and rituals. The question arises whether there is any corresponding change in perspec­tive or not. Arguably, outward changes would accompany a shift to a certain degree in the perspective of appreciating emerging changes in faith and belief. The shift is universal, but not articulated in the context of religion. In a recent book, Hinduism and Tribal Religions, edited by Jeferry D. Long, Rita D. Sherma, Pankaj Jain, and Madhu Khanna, a shift in per­spective is evident in the thematic focus. It is argued that modern Hindus need a ‘rational rather than a devotional or traditional exposition of the religion’. Amithy Jasrotia and Seema Agrawal (see the section Conceptualisng Change) have made a remark on the shift from fear to devotion as a passing observation, though the central focus of the chapter is a conceptual nuance of understanding the change. Madan Meena’s chapter in this section also engages in a shift in another context.

Meena has articulated a structural shift in perception with reference to the religious worldview of the Rathwa of Gujarat. In our time, the Rathwa believe in individual gurus of Hindu tradition in place of spirits/supernatural powers of the traditional belief system. The shift may reveal in material context as is evident in the joint chapter of A. Poongodi and B. Cauveri. Examining Pratibha Ray’s novel, The Primal Land, the authors have pointed to the Bondo tribes’ lust for money and dependence on government officers/teachers. For the Bondo, these officers are ‘god’. Though satirical in taste, this is very much revealing of the shift of perception from spiritual to material life in response to development interventions.

But religious intervention by itself may bring in a shift in religious attitude. This is evi­dent in Nigamananda Das’s chapter where he argues with reference to two novels on the Northeast tribes how Christianity being anthropometric religion of the world stands oppo­site to tribal ecoethics of conservation as ingrained in traditional belief systems, particularly based on naturalism.

0.2.5 Conceptualising Change

A tribe neither used the designation of ‘tribe’ nor the nomenclature ‘religion’ to its faith, belief, and practices till the ‘others’, particularly British administration devised it and aca­demics used it. In the course of time, the labels ‘tribe’ and ‘tribal religion’ have become ingrained into the vocabulary system of these people and have become a means of express­ing identity and worldview (see Behera 2019). Nevertheless, academics have not stopped their engagement with tribal issues from their perspectives; they have their perspective approaches, conceptual frames, etc. to understand changes in tribal religion which is the core of discussion in this book. We find liminality, symbolism, and structural and functional approaches employed in three chapters to examine changes in tribal religions.

Amithy Jasrotia and Seema Agrawal have studied socio-religious tradition and its dynamics of Shariya tribe of Rajasthan consequent upon culture contact, reduced depend­ency on forests, and migration in search of alternative livelihood pursuits. All these, as the authors argue, have brought changes in the Sahariya tribe’s religious outlook. In the process of change, the people are observed worshipping both traditional and Hindu gods and god­desses. They neither belong to Hindu faith, nor do they follow the tradition in letter and spirit. The emerging situation of change and continuity is examined by the authors within the conceptual framework of liminality proposed by Victor Turner - a situation between traditional and Hindu religious worldviews.

Victor Turner’s concept of ritual symbolism has been employed by Nisha Kumari and Abhishek Kumar to Dandakatta ritual of the Oraon to examine the nature and extent of changes. Change can also be critically studied with reference to a crucial element in reli­gious tradition. Digbijoy Giri, in his chapter, has employed a structural functional approach to examine changes in village Devgudi (village temple/shrine) with reference to the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh state of India. Obviously, structural and functional changes in Devgudi point to the expanding religious worldview of the people of Bastar including both tribe and non-tribe population.

0.2.6 Towards Institutionalisation

One crucial trend that has emerged in contemporary religious tradition of the tribes is the process of institutionalisation of belief systems. Core arguments of three chapters touch upon this process explicitly. Bindu Ramachandran argues that traditional Kurichiyan religion has been largely institutionalised. But the institutionalisation process, as she sug­gests, needs a multi-paradigmatic approach to study given their unique identity as a mat­rilineal society and multi-dimensional changes right from the colonial period. But Kanato Chophy’s chapter presents institutionalisation in quite a different perspective. He argues that ‘Revelation’ played a crucial role during reformist or revival movements during British regime and created neo-religious sects in traditional tribal communities. The new sects, hav­ing their respective authors (prophets, or founders), display institutionalised nuances vis-a­vis informal traditional religious worldview. The tribe like the Santal and the Munda have their neo-sects side-by-side traditional followers. The core of the argument is that revelation underlies institutionalisation processes in the emergence of neo-sect. Tarun Mene and Rajiv Miso differ from the above two and try to situate traditional priests in reformative religious movement in the context of Idu Mishmi tribe of Arunachal Pradesh. In institutionalisation processes of traditional religion the place of the traditional priest, called Igu, is not defined, though his role is not abolished altogether. Preservation of culture is the slogan, but the views of traditionalists and contemporary intellectuals on the approach to institutionalisa­tion of religion and traditional priests in it have not yet been conclusive.

0.2.7 Politics and Tribal Religion

From historical times, religion’s instrumentality is well acknowledged in legitimising a king’s power and authority by bringing different communities together. It is argued that religion has a discursive power and operates as a power category like race in modernity (Khan 2021:2; also see Fitzgerald 2015:304). In our contemporary democracy, religion is also used as an instrument to secure people’s support in order to gain political power and position by political parties.

No doubt, a few political parties are branded in the name of religion (see Nandrajog 2010), while all parties use religion in vote bank politics. Lipika Ravichandran’s chap­ter examines a broader context of these politics with reference to efforts of radical Tamil nationalists to revive traditional folk religions by de-Brahminising the Sanskritic influence. Her chapter also problematises government intervention in temple administration through the Endowments Act of 1959 that deprive communities of their customary hereditary rights. In her chapter, the politics of religion has a revival overtone. In a different perspec­tive, Archana Rahul Khupte presents politics of religious assertion as a protest against the homogenising tendency of dominant religions out to assimilate tribes into their fold. To her, politics of religious assertion are the struggles for identity assertion, as tribes visualise a discrepancy between the identity they claim and identity they are attributed, particularly in census records. The claimed identity advances an argument of rationality that the tribes have their respective religious traditions distinct from major religions. This perspective is the core of argument of C. Maheswaran. In his chapter, he puts his argument with refer­ence to the religion of the Tribal Nilgiris and extends his support to the claim of Sarna code in the census by present Jharkhand Government and tribal leaders. But the politics and demand for Saran code have internal contradictions due to the tribe specific nature of belief systems. Radhika Borde is sceptical about the possibility of a single code, such as Sarna code. She has provided her justification by citing the myth of the Asur tribe and the current trend of Sarna movement led by Oraon women. Pointing out inconsistencies in the gener­alised claim, she argues that the struggle for a religious code is a means of some people to present them as astute political actors with an interest on ‘being visible’ in the state politics.