Stromateis 4, Chapters 19-21: Virtuous Women and the Meaning of μαρτυρία
Clement’s remark that his discussion has shown “who is the perfect one” (ο τέλειος) refers back to the first paragraph of Stromateis 4 quoted earlier in this essay, where he announces this as one of the two main topics of this book, along with martyrdom/witness (μαρτυρίου).
It is now clear that “who is the perfect one?” is, among other things, an exegetical question, that is a question of what Paul means by the phrase τέλειος αυηρ in Eph 4:13. This text from Ephesians also figures in a later section of Strom. 4.19-21, where Clement returns to the subject of women and the philosophical life. In chapter 19 he adduces a wide-ranging catalogue of virtuous women to illustrate the thesis that woman can share equally with men in perfection (118.1). From the Bible he celebrates Judith, who was like Moses in “despising all danger for her country’s sake,” and commends Esther for her faith, the “sister of Moses” for her wisdom, and Susanna, whom he calls a “martyr for chastity” (118.2-119.3).[1267] He then turns to a fascinating list of exemplary women from the Greek tradition taken from poetic, doxographical, and philosophical writings (120.1-123.1). These include Telesilla, an Argolid poetess who put Spartan opponents to flight by persuading women to act with courage, the self-sacrificing Alcestis from Euripides’ play, Theano, a Pythagorean praised for her “progress in philosophy,” Themisto of Lampsacus, who studied Epicurean philosophy, Myia, another Pythagorean, Hipparchia the wife of the Cynic Crates, and two female pupils of Plato, Lastheneia of Arcadia and Axiothea of Phlius (122.2).[1268]One group that is notably absent from Clement’s list of exemplary women, especially given the main themes of Stromateis 4, is the women celebrated in the Christian martyr acts, such as Charito from the Acts of Justin and Companions, Blandina, whose martyrdom is described in the Letter of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne,[1269] Agathonice depicted in The Acts of Carpus, Papylus, and Agathonice, and Perpetua and Felicity from the Acts that bear their names.[1270] To be sure, none of these works can be dated with confidence prior to the composition of Clement’s Stromateis; the Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicity describes events that in all like- hood happened after it was written.[1271] But the martyr deaths described in the first two works occurred before the Stromateis were composed,[1272] and it is possible that Clement had heard oral reports of them.
Further, the following paragraph from chapter 8 suggests that he knew of specific female martyrs:But just as to die on behalf of virtue, freedom, and oneself is creditable for a man, so also for a woman. For this is not a special characteristic of the male nature but rather belongs to all those who are good At any rate we know that children and servants and wom
en, acting against the wishes of their fathers, masters, and husbands, have often achieved the highest degree of perfection (PeXtiotous yEyovEvai). (Strom. 4.8.67.4-68.2) The last sentence may be deliberately ambiguous, referring both to those who achieve perfection in the life of virtue and those who die as martyrs, exhibiting “the perfect work of love.”[1273]
Clement’s failure to name specific Christians who died for their faith is not confined to women; he also makes no mention of male martyrs such as Ignatius, Justin, or Polycarp, or even the biblical Stephen. If he knew of specific martyr deaths, why does he not celebrate these heroes and heroines of the faith by name? One possible reason is that his main concern in Stromateis 4 is not to celebrate or encourage martyr deaths but rather to extend the understanding of the words μαρτυρία, μαρτυρίου, and μαρτυ$ so that they apply to all faithful Christians. He wants to encourage all to seek perfect obedience to God, in everything they do. Clement says this explicitly in a passage quoted at the beginning of this paper:
Thus we call martyrdom (το μαρτυρίου) perfection (τελείωσις), not because a person comes to the end (τέλος·) of his life just like the rest, but because he has displayed the perfect work of love.... If then confession to God is bearing witness (μαρτυρία), each soul that has lived purely in the knowledge of God and obeyed the commandments is a witness (μαρτυς), in life as well as word, no matter how it is released from the body.
(Strom. 4.4.14.3-15.3)This broader definition of μαρτυριον/μαρτυρία is also promoted in a section of chapter 8 cited above: “The whole church is full of those who throughout their lives practice the death into Christ, a death that makes alive - women who exhibit self-control as well as men” (Strom. 4.8.58.2). Greek philosophical ideas help Clement argue this point. For example, in this passage Plato’s definition of philosophy as the “practice of death” (Phaed. 67c) enables him to redefine martyrdom as a life-long devotion to God, that includes, but is not limited to, a willingness to die for the faith.
It is interesting to note, parenthetically, that Clement’s use of philosophical ideas to shed light on Christian μαρτυρία has parallels in some of the martyr acts, for example the Acts of Apollonius.[1274] Apollonius, in a defense to the Roman proconsul of Asia - which the author points out was made in the presence of Greek philosophers - compares the unjust condemnation of Socrates with that of Christ and his followers,[1275] and he paraphrases a passage from Plato’s Republic that predicts the torture and killing of the just man.[1276] Like Clement, this author uses philosophical language about virtue, especially the virtue of self-control, to praise the Christian martyrs: “The disciples of the Logos who has come amongst us die daily to pleasure, curbing their desire by continence (εγκράτεια) in their wish to live according to the divine commandments.”[1277] A more general way that Christian martyrologies draw on classical philosophy has been suggested by Nicole Kelley. She argues that, while for some Christians these works might serve as a template for how to behave when put on trial, for a broader group of readers and hearers they functioned as spiritual exercises, similar to those in philosophical works such as the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius. These exercises were designed to solidify Christian identity by providing a clearer perception of reality, especially the over-arching providence of God, and to give the audience practice in controlling the passions.[1278]
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