Symbols and Meanings

Dandakatta ritual has its own meaning, as do the objects used in it. The Oraon interpret the meaning of these symbols within their belief system. During field study by the first author, a key informant stated that the structure made with the help of rice, soil of hearth, charcoal powder, egg, and bhelwa branch symbolises the universe.

Egg of Fowl: It symbolises the earth. The Oraon believe that the Earth or Dharti as they call it, is egg shaped. The Earth produces life on its surface like an egg that pro­duces a chick. They believe that nobody knows the door to life on the earth. Only a hen knows about the door to life as it pecks out after incubation of a period of 21 days. Life comes out of earth as a chick comes out of an egg. It is also said that an egg is a pure source of life and complete in itself, and is without any face (nirmukhi) and head (nirmund) (Toppo 2008:4). So, they sacrifice an egg considering it as self­contained, full of life, and also at the same time lifeless.

Arwa tikhil or unboiled rice: It symbolises good life and prosperity. Also rice forms an important produce of the economy and is a major source of subsistence livelihood. Hence it is considered as a symbol of life. The Oraon people offer rice in the name of the God Dharmesh, who is the creator and well-wisher of humanity (the Oraon), beseeching prosperity and good life. As reported during field study, rice grains kept beneath the egg during ritual represent stars.

Chullha khajja or soil form hearth: It symbolises the spirit of ancestor. The Oraon believe in worshipping of chulha (hearth) as it protects them from diseases, epidem­ics, evil eyes, ghosts, and bad omens. It is considered sacred as the soil turns red after being heated by the fire of the hearth.

Koila or Charcoal powder: It symbolises evilness. This powder is used in the name of Chandi. Chandi seems to be an influence of Hindu pantheon; for the Oraon, she protects villagers by prohibiting entry of evil power, ghost, and bad omens from across the village boundary. She is a village deity in the study area.

There is a belief among the Oraons that black colour is used by thieves, witches, or anyone who intends to cause harm to another. It is the belief that Dharmesh has destroyed such sinners or evil eyes by raining fire, due to which all the sinners were burnt to coal. So, for the destruction of sinners coal powder is used in the making the shape.

Bhelwa branch: Bhelwa branches are supposed to attract the insects of the whole field, which are later eaten by the birds. All the crops then are protected promising a bumper harvest. During the ritual process, bhelwa twig is split in two parts. As the twig is divided, it is believed, so also the effect of evil eye is separated from the victim. Bhelwa twig also symbolises the male and female and it also represents the spindle of earth on which the earth moves. It is believed that both male and female become one body and offer sacrifices to Dharmesh.

Hadiya: It is considered a sacred drink for the god. Also, rice is considered a staple of food of the Oraon. So, the rice beer symbolises a sacred drink for god, and also of ancestors who lived on rice during their life time.

Colours: White, red, and black colours represent time: present, future, and past phases of life respectively of the person or family. It also symbolises three types of supernatural power: gods, goddesses, and ancestors who act as protector from the third supernatural power, malevolent in nature; such as ghosts and witches who attack human beings.

Signs and Shapes: Cross or plus signs represent four directions i.e. East, West, North, and South.

Sup/Winnowing Basket: It is an auspicious object in the Oraon community as it is also considered the residing place of Goddess Sarna or Goddess Chala Pacho other than the Sarna place or sacred grove. They invoke Goddess Chala Pacho to reside in the keter (winnowing basket) and rice in it, and pray her to guide them.

Cow dung: It is used to clean the worship place as it is considered sacred. It is the belief that cow dung surrounds the family with dav ghaukh sawang (protective energy) and ensures good fortune. Also, it acts as a natural disinfectant. Other than this, ants, lizards, and other insects do not come to the surface smeared with cow dung. It is also their belief that gods and souls of ancestors reside in clean places.

It is evident from the above discussion on Dandakatta ritual of the Oraon that the practice does not reflect the tribe’s culture exclusively. The Oraon belong to Dravidian race of Proto Austroloid groups, who call themselves Kurukh, and speak Kurukh language belonging to Dravidian family (Vidyarthi and Rai 1985:68-70 and see also Roy 1915). For sure, their tradition does not subscribe to the presence of the Hindu gods and goddesses in their belief system and Sanskrit influence in their language. The presence of the Hindu gods like Mahadev and goddesses like Parvati and Chandi, and vocabularies belonging to Sanskrit tradition point to their interaction with the Hindu over a long period of time, but without sacrificing their identity. It is a case of assimilation and adoption. In other words, the reli­gion of the Oraon as understood with reference to Dandakatta ritual manifests Hinduised features.

The name Dharmesh, given to their supreme deity, shows influence of the Hindu faith and Sanskrit language. The names Dandakatta (danda meaning stick and katta meaning cutting) and Bhelwa Phadi (bhelwa referring to the common name of oriental cashew nut tree in this region irrespective of communities and phadi meaning slicing/splitting) do not belong to Kurukh vocabulary system. Interestingly, the respondents and other persons inter- viewed/contacted do not remember its Kurukh version.

The item gobari (cow dung) used during the ritual, that signifies purifying the spot of worship, is used for the same purpose as by the Hindu. Besides, gobari is not a Kurukh word. Use of the name, such as ‘Ratu Raja’, signifies recognition to non-Oraon authority or at least to a space of interaction. The tradition is silent about the time and the reason of the entry of Ratu Raja in their ritual conversation.

Names of several objects, or prefix or suffix to names of ritual objects are found not belonging to Kurukh tradition. The words gunda in tikhil gunda, chulha in chulha khajja, koila in koila powder, and gabari, lota, coins, dhup-dhuna, diya, agarbati; and the name Dharti to the Earth allude to their adoption from Sanskrit language (in fact from the neigh­bouring language of the Hindu). The steps undertaken at the time of the ritual performance, such as cleaning by using cow dung and preparation of ritualistic designs with different colours are also practised in the Hindu rituals.

Internal contradiction is noticed with regard to who can be the performer of the ritual in a family. While an opinion goes in favour of the male member of the family, the other justifies in favour of a male member outside the family. This indicates to the emerging trend of re-interpretation in beliefs and practices.

Performance of the ritual is seen as significant at the level of an individual family to ensure individual or family welfare and wellbeing. However, it was reported during field study that Dandakatta is performed at village level when epidemics or other calamities like crop failure visit the village.

During a field visit the first author observed structure (pillar) over Murma Khunt¹⁰ simi­lar to the diagram used in Dandakatta by splitting a long bhelwa twig. In both structures it represents the male and female that symbolise the unification of male and female and also is considered as axis. It is their belief that Dharmesh is present in the sky, ancestors under the earth, and human beings reside on earth. Combining all, it shows the belief of communion with God Dharmesh through ancestors. Dandakatta ritual is performed during Murma Jatra by the pahan of Murma village before pahans of other villages join, for they believe that Dandakatta relates to the origin of the Oraon and Murma Jatra to their settlement in their present location. Evidently, Dandakatta ritual is performed by the people from earlier times, but Murma Jatra has been organised after the settlement of the Oraon in Chhotanagpur region resulting from their migration from Rohtasgarh to escape Muslim attack. That is why, as it was reported during the interview, the structure (pillar) over the Murma Khunt corresponds to their belief embodied in Dandakatta. Performance of Dandakatta before the jatra is undertaken to seek blessings of Dharmesh and to avert misfortune during the occasion. Except in the household, no tokna process is followed in community performance of Dandakatta ritual in any public place. As reported during field study, Dandakatta is performed first before starting any activity to avoid obstacles. The notion is similar to the Hindu worship of Shri Ganesh as remover of obstacles before begin­ning of any activity.

The interpretation of some ritual objects seems to be based on the contemporary idea. Bhelwa twig is compared with the spindle of the earth which seems to be a modern interpre­tation.

In the present scenario, Dandakatta is still an essential ritual of the Oraon people but its occurrence gradually decreases. Due to modernisation and culture contact, younger genera­tions of the Oraon are not using Kurukh language. They generally use Nagpuri language to connect with other people. Even parents don’t speak in Kurukh with them, so they don’t like to involve those chants in learning. Apart from this, the collection of the materials that are used in the ritual are the toughest task to do as the Oraon also shift their interest from agriculture to office jobs, factory work, etc.

Though this ritual is performed by those Oraon who have migrated from villages and settled in urban places, the changes can be noticed in the traditional way of worship. For example, there is an increase in female participation, absence of smearing of gobari because of cemented houses, less use of hadiya (rice beer) and so on. There can be various factors behind these changes; among important factors shifting to non-agricultural activities is a crucial one. The respondents informed that the Dandakatta started for the good production of agriculture, but due to shifting interest towards service sector and other non-agricultural works for livelihood its frequency has decreased among the Oraon people living in urban places. Due to modern influences, like education and technological advancement, youth are becoming rational; they have started questioning the rationality behind tradition and customs. The young generation is distanced from the traditional ambience (due to school going or residing in hostels, for example) suitable for oral transmission of knowledge. The chants and procedures are still orally transmitted in villages. They are not even coded in urban areas as the priority of people seems different. The community level decline in the practice can also be attributed to the incidence of conversion of the Oraon to Christianity.

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