Conclusion
The interlocking story of Nogai and Mennonite economic development has several important lessons. To begin with, contrary to the image portrayed in most Mennonite sources, Mennonites were neither isolated from surrounding populations, nor simply paternalistic benefactors to backward neighbours.
Whatever Cornies intended, Mennonite-Nogai relations soon came to be governed by pragmatic economic considerations, with the Nogai providing a significant avenue for Mennonite investment. Some Nogai grew rich in consequence, but most grew poor, and by encouraging animal husbandry to the exclusion of arable husbandry, in contradiction of shifting market demand, Mennonites unintentionally set the Nogai up for a fall.It must be emphasized that traditional Nogai pastoral practices had already led to the brink of disaster through overgrazing as early as 1825. Something had to change. Cornies’s programs were intended to guide that change along manifestly successful Mennonite paths. Even after Cornies’s death, when the 1847 epidemic wiped out Nogai herds, Mennonites, although hard hit by the disaster themselves, gave interest- free loans to Nogai. Too, the Mennonite solution to the problem, namely, transition to arable husbandry, was not necessarily a panacea. Nogai land was the poorest in the Molochna region and only a relatively small proportion of it, along the banks of the Molochna and Iushanlee rivers, was truly suited to crop agriculture. The Bulgarian settlers who inherited the land in the 1860s quickly pronounced much of it uninhabitable, and they were only persuaded to stay by a large-scale state-funded well-digging program.36 Still, some Nogai land was suited to arable husbandry, and indeed was ploughed and planted in the 1850s - mainly by landless Mennonite renters.
Placed in the context of Mennonite-Nogai economic relations and the post-1848 Nogai economic collapse, the Nogai exodus itself appears at least partly a product of Mennonite landlessness. Because the landlessness crisis occurred in the 1860s, the significance Oflandlessness in earlier decades has received only passing attention, but the Nogai story suggests it needs to be reassessed.37 The role of Mennonites as models to surrounding settlers was hotly debated in the 1830s and 1840s. Progressive Mennonites, led by Cornies and supported by the state, argued that the terms of the Mennonite charter obliged them to act as model setders. Conservative Mennonites responded that Mennonite faith was founded on separation from ‘the world,’ and thus precluded active involvement with other setders.38 Participation by landless Mennonites in Cornies’s sharecropping program is a pointed reminder that the conservative ideal of living as ‘the quiet in the land’ was only possible for those with land. For the 53 per cent of Molochna Mennonites without land by 1848, the insular ideals of conservative congregations offered but cold comfort.