Introduction
Despite its relatively small size, Galicia has played an important and often crucial role in east-central European and, in particular, Ukrainian historical development. It was in Galicia that the medieval traditions of Kievan Rus’ were preserved after the Dnieper region had lost its historical significance in the thirteenth century.
Again it was in Galicia where the Orthodox cultural revival and general renaissance in Ukrainian cultural life began in the late sixteenth century-movements that later were carried out in the political sphere with the establishment of a Cossack state in the Dnieper Ukraine. Finally, it was in Galicia where during the late nineteenth century the Ukrainian national idea was kept alive through scholarship and political activity at a time when it was forbidden any normal advancement within the Russian-controlled Dnieper Ukraine. And all of this occurred in a territory that represented no more than 6 percent of the Ukrainian ethnographic land mass and that, in 1910, contained only 9.5 percent of the total Ukrainian population. Galicia was also a meeting ground for Ukrainian and Polish cultures and, at least during the nineteenth century, was a region of crucial importance to the Polish national revival. At the same time, the Jews of Galicia made many contributions to Jewish developments in east-central Europe.Because of its historical significance, an enormous literature has developed about Galicia. However, as chapter 1 of this study reveals, there is no adequate guide or even comprehensive bibliography of the many writings covering various chronological and thematic aspects of this area. It is for this reason that the present study was undertaken.
The guide has ten chapters and the arrangement is basically chronological. Two introductory chapters deal with bibliographic and archival aids and with general studies, followed by chapters on specific periods: early history to 1340, 1340-1772, 1772-1848, 1848-1918, 1919-1939, 1939-1944, and 1945present.
A final chapter deals with the literature on minorities who inhabited Galicia-Poles, Jews, Armenians, Germans, and Karaites-most of whom played an important and, in the case of the Poles, a dominant role in the history of the region. Each chronological chapter begins with a brief history of events during the period in question. This makes it possible for the reader to understand better the discussion about the historical literature that follows.It should be remembered that this book is not a history of Galicia. Nor does it pretend to provide an exhaustive bibliography of the subject. Rather, it is intended to serve as an introduction to the basic historical problems of Galicia and to direct the reader to the major published primary and secondary sources dealing with those problems. The vast majority of the material consists of works in political, socioeconomic, and cultural (in particular literary) history. Works dealing with linguistic and ethnographic problems are, with few exceptions, not to be found here. Even with these limitations, the guide contains 1003 notes with more than 3000 references. It is hoped that these will provide a good starting point for those interested in knowing more about the contributions of Galicia to Ukrainian, to Polish, to Jewish, and to east-central European culture as a whole.
The concept of Galicia is problematic. Most writings generally understand Galicia to be synonymous with the province obtained by the Austrian Empire in 1772-within the boundaries that were finally stabilized in 1815 and which, excepting the addition of the Free City of Cracow in 1847, remained unchanged at least until the outbreak of World War I in 1914.' However, as a political entity, Galicia derives from a principality of that name already founded in the mid-twelfth century, whose borders were substantially different from those of post-1772 Austrian Galicia. Although Galicia as a distinct principality existed only for about 200 years (1141-1340), it lasted for more than another four centuries as a historical and territorial concept known as the Rus’ palatinate (Wojewddztwo Ruskie) within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
The core territory of historic Galicia lay along both banks of the upper Dniester River. Its southern boundary was defined by the crests of the Carpathian Mountains, and although the peaks were high enough (over 2000 meters in the southeastern corner) to provide a natural historico-geographic frontier with the Hungarian Kingdom, there were nonetheless several passes that have traditionally permitted access to the Danube Basin in the south. The western boundary of historic Galicia lay near the Wislok River, a tributary of the San. The eastern boundary was formed by the Zbruch and the Cheremosh rivers. The northern boundary had no natural frontier, but followed more or less the boundary of the
1 For a survey of how Galicia’s boundaries change after 1772, see Leo J. Haczynski, “Two Contributions to the Problem of Galicia, ’ ’ East European Quarterly, IV, 1 (Boulder, Colo. 1970), pp. 94-104.
medieval principality of Galicia and later Rus’ palatinate. Within the confines of this core area were the cities of Jarostaw and Przemysl in the west, L’viv in the north, Ternopif and Terebovlia in the east, and the old capital of Halych near the center. This understanding of the concept of Galicia was best summed up by the leading Ukrainian historian, Mykhailo Hrushevs’kyi: “The term ‘Galicia’ is very complex and in essence of rather fortuitous origin. Basically, it reflects the tradition of the ‘Galician principality’, founded in the mid-twelfth century, and which generally is equated with what in the nineteenth century was called ‘eastern Galicia’.”[2]
Thus, in this study, the concept of Galicia (Halychyna in Ukrainian)[3] is used in its long-term historical sense, and this refers basically to the eastern half of the former Austrian province of Galicia (Galizieri). However, because in Austrian, Polish, Jewish, and other western literature the term Galicia often refers to the old Austrian province as a whole, it may be necessary to use the formulations eastern Galicia or Ukrainian Galicia in order to make a distinction from the western, largely Polish-inhabited half of the former Austrian province.
Although Ukrainians always formed the majority of the population in “eastern’ ’ Galicia (62 percent in 1910 and even higher in earlier centuries), there were also substantial numbers of Poles and Jews, especially in urban areas, where Polish or Jewish culture dominated city life. Therefore, much of the historic literature discussed in this study, even that which focuses on “eastern,” “Ukrainian” Galicia may in fact deal with the Polish or Jewish aspects of the region.Not surprisingly, the literature under discussion reflects the political fortunes of the territory in question. Consequently, many different names are encountered, all of which are basically synonymous with the historic concept of Galicia as described above. These names include during the medieval period: Galicia (Haly- chyna/Galitsiia), or Red Rus’ (Chervona Rus’ /Chervonaia Rus’ /Rus Czerwona), or Galician Rus’ (Halyts’ka Rus’ /Galitskaia Rus’)·, during the Polish-Lithuanian era: Rus’ palatinate (Wojewodztwo Ruskie), or Red Rus’ (Rus Czerwona); during the Austrian period, 1772-1918: East Galicia (Ost-Galizien/Skhidna Halychyna!
Galicja Wschodnia)·, during the revolutionary years, 1918-1919: Western Ukrainian People’s Republic {Zakhidno-Ukra'ins’ ka Narodna Respub- lyka)·, during the interwar years: Eastern Little Poland {Malopolska Wschodnia), or Southeastern Poland {Polska Potudniowo-Wschodnia)', during World War II, 1941-1944; Galician district of the Generalgouvernement {Distrikt Galizien Generalgouvernement)·, and during the Soviet period, 1939-1941 and 1945present: Western Ukraine (Zakhidna Ukraina-a. term that frequently encompasses neighboring northern Bukovina and Transcarpathia as well). In this study, all of the above names will be rendered simply as Galicia, and whenever the context requires it, as eastern Galicia or Ukrainian Galicia.
There has also been more than one name used to describe the Ukrainian inhabitants, and again the historical literature reflects the several known variants.
Until the first quarter of the twentieth century, the vast majority of Ukrainians in Galicia called themselves Rusyns {rusyny). After 1772, the Austrian government used for official purposes the German term Ruthenen, which has often been translated into English as Ruthenians. Old Ruthenian, local Russophile, and Russian writers described the group as Russians {russkie) or Little Russians {malorossyhnalorossiiane). Ukrainophiles described the population as Rusyns and later Ukrainians {rusynyIukraintsi)4 There are also several regional names like Lemkian {Lemko), Boikian {Boiko), and Hutsul. Finally, some Soviet literature uses the term western Ukrainians {zakhidnoukraintsi). In this study, we will only use the term Ukrainian to refer to the Ukrainian inhabitants of Galicia.Of a more technical nature is the question of place names and the transliteration system. Geographic names are given according to the dominant (sometimes official) language of the country where the place is located today. Thus, places within the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic are in Ukrainian, places within Poland are rendered in Polish. A few names-Cracow, Dnieper, Kiev, Warsaw- are given in their commonly used English form. The justification for such a decision is simple: it is easier for the reader to find these places on modern-day maps. However, because some place names in Galicia differ substantially from one locally used language to another, a table of major places and their linguistic equivalents is provided at the end of this study.
With regard to transliteration, the Library of Congress system has been used to render titles in the Cyrillic alphabet. This system was chosen because most libraries in the United States and Canada have adopted that system; hence, it will be easier for the reader to find a work cited in this study. It should also be noted
4 The Ukrainophile view of the nomenclature problem is found in B. Barvins’kyi, Istorychnyi rozvii imeny ukrains’ko-rus’koho narodu (L’viv 1909).
The Russophile view is in F.I. Svistun, “Dlia chego galitskii rusiny nazvany Ruthen’ami?” Viestnik ‘Narodnogo Doma’, XXIV [II], 11 (L’viv 1906), pp. 220-222.that the footnote references reproduce names of authors and titles as they appear on the original title page[4] although places of publication have been standardized according to the principles on place names outlined above. Names of political and cultural activists in Galicia, notwithstanding their national orientation (Old Ruthenian, Russophile, Ukrainophile) are given in Ukrainian. This is again a practical matter and in no way casts aspersions on the beliefs of a given individual. Transliterations from Hebrew and Yiddish follow the system adopted by the Association for Jewish Studies Review. Names of Jewish authors mentioned in the text are given according to the form used in the Encyclopedia Judaica. Dates are provided for historical figures the first time they are mentioned; they are not given for authors unless, of course, the latter were participants in the historical process.
Finally, all references appear in as complete a form as possible, including full names of author(s) or editor(s), title and subtitle, series where applicable, journal volume and number, place of publication of books and journals, publisher, and page numbers for articles. The research needed to supply some of these elements has often been tedious and enormously time consuming, but it has been my experience that full bibliographical references can often make the difference between finding a given item or not. Reviews are generally not mentioned except in those cases where they have contributed substantially to further knowledge about a given subject.
I viewed more than 90 percent of the items mentioned in this study. This has been possible because I was privileged to work in some of the world’s leading repositories of Slavic and east-central European materials. Among the collections surveyed were Widener and other affiliated libraries in the Harvard University Library System (Cambridge, Massachusetts); the Library of Congress (Washington, DC); the University of Toronto Library (Toronto, Ontario); the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, the Parliamentsbibliothek, and Institut für Geschichte Osteuropas und Südostforschungen (Vienna); and the Slovanskä knihovna and Närodni Muzeum (Prague). The author is particularly grateful for the assistance rendered him by the staffs of the Slavic Division and Judaica Division at Harvard’s Widener Library and to Maria Razumovsky of the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek and Dr. Rudolf Stohr of the Parliamentsbibliothek in Vienna.
The initial research and writing of this volume was undertaken during the academic years 1978-1979 and 1979-1980 while I was resident Senior Research Fellow at the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute. Further funding was provided by the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta to work in Vienna for six weeks during the summer of 1979 and by the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, DC to survey the Library of Congress collection during the fall of 1980. To all these institutions I am very grateful.
Finally, while any sins of omission or error that still remain are mine alone, it must be said that whatever value the manuscript has is due in no small part to the insights and suggestions of several readers. These have included Mykola Andru- siak (Ukrainian Free University), Kevork B. Bardakjian (Harvard University), Bohdan Budurowycz (University of Toronto), Patricia Kennedy Grimsted (Harvard University), John-Paul Himka (University of Alberta), Robert A. Kann (University of Vienna), Edward Kasinec (University of California at Berkeley), Joseph Kermisz (Yad Vashem, Jerusalem), Julius Krämer (Hilfskomittee der Galiziendeutschen), Ezra Mendelsohn (Hebrew University), Moshe Mishkinsky (Hebrew University), Alexander Motyl (Columbia University), Omeljan Pritsak (Harvard University), Ivan L. Rudnytsky (University of Alberta), and Frank E. Sysyn (Harvard University).
There are also several other individuals who have helped in the technical preparation of the manuscript and in the publication process. Brenda Sens and Patricia Bennett typed varying versions of the manuscript, while Olga Kavochka Mayo and Nadia Odette Diakun worked on additional references, the eternal bane of all bibliographic projects. The crucial job of proofreading several thousand references in sixteen languages was graciously carried out by Dr. Bohdan Budurowycz, Pawel Depta, Dr. Libby Garshowitz, Helga Haynes, Dr. Patricia A. Krafcik, Maria Magocsi, and Josef Stasa. The comprehensive index was prepared by Ruth C. Cross in her usual meticulous manner, and the accompanying maps drawn under the direction of Geoff Matthews at the Cartography Office of the University of Toronto’s Department of Geography. Finally, I am grateful to the editorial staff of the University of Toronto Press who admirably oversaw the publication process and to the bibliographical commission of Harvard University’s Ukrainian Research Institute, which awarded the book the 1982 Cenko Prize for the best work in Ukrainian bibliography.