Notes

Chapter One: Introduction

1 ‘Kritik betreffend die Schwarzebrache in Siid-Russland,' n.d. [1848?], PJBRMA, file 1308 (emphasis in original). In the 1860s another anonymous Russian writer would apply almost precisely the same description to Russian Mennonite colonies in the Volga region - see James W.

2 Quoted in Heinrich Goerz, The Molotschna Settlement, trans. Al Reimer and John B. Toews (Winnipeg: CMBC/Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society, 1993), 28.

3 The most detailed record of the physical geography of the Molochna that I am aware of is B.G. Karpova, ‘Formy poverkhnosti ³ Stroenie zemnoi kory v predelakh Novorossii,' in Rossiia. Polnoe geograficheskoe Opisanie nashego Otechestva, (hereafter, Rossiia), ed. V.P. Semenov-Tian-Shanskii (St Peters­burg: A.F. Devriena, 1910), 14: 1-48. The Encyclopedia of Ukraine, s.v. Azov Lowland, and Azov Upland, is also a valuable source, while a brief but useful summary can be found in John Friesen, Against the Wind: The Story of Four Mennonite Villages (Gnadenthal, Grilnfeld, Neu-Chortitza, and Steinfeld) in Southern Ukraine, 1872-1943 (Winnipeg: Henderson Books, 1994), 13-17.

4 On flora, see V.G. Karatygina, ^lRastiteFnyi ³ zhivotnyi mir,' in Rossiia, 14: 72-125.

5 On climate, see P.A. Fedulova, ‘Klimat,’ Rossiia, 14: 49-71; M.Y. Nuttonson, Ecology and Crcrp Geography of the Ukraine and the Ukrainian Agro-Climatic Analogues in North America (Washington, DC: American Institute of Crop Ecology, 1947).

6 ¹Raboty po snabzheniiu vodoi pereselentsev, proizvedennyia v Tavricheskoi gubernii V 1862 godu,’ ZhMGI 83 (July 1863), 316.

7 ¹Vedomost¹ î glubine kolodtsev v kazhdoi kolonii Molochanskogo menonitskogo okruga,' 1842, PJBRMA, file 841.

8 ¹Po predstavlenniiu glavnago popechitelia kolonistov iuzhnago kraia Rossii po sporu menonitov s dukhobortsami î granitsakh ikh vladeniia,' 29 February 1828, RGIA, f. 383, op. 29, d. 480.

9 An excellent introduction to the historiography is Richard White, ‘Ameri­can Environmental History: The Development of a New Historical Field,’ Pacific Historical Review 54:3 (1985), 297-335.

10 Donald Worster, The Wealth of Nature: Environmental History and the Ecolofical Imagination (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1993), 48-9.

IlA particularly clear example of a study in which the environment is the subject is Elinor G. K. Melville, A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). On the issues of boundaries between disciplines, see Barbara Leibhardt, ‘Interpretation and Causal Analysis: Theories in Environmental History,’ Environmental Review 12:1 (1988), 23-36.

12 Goerz, The Molotschna Settlement, Franz Isaac, Die Molotschner Mennoniten. Ein Beitragzur Geschichte derselben (N.P.: Halbstadt und Braun, 1908); The quota­tion is from James Urry, None But Saints: The Transformation of Mennonite Life in Russia, 1789-1889 (Winnipeg: Windflower Communications, 1989), 26.

13 Notable recent work that begins to place the Mennonites more firmly in their Russian context includes Leonard G. Friesen, ¹Mennonites and Their Peasant Neighbours in Ukraine Before 1900,’ Journal OfMennonite Studies (hereafter JMS) 10 (1992), 56-69; Harvey L. Dyck, ¹Landlessness in the Old Colony: The Judenplan Experiment 1850-1880,’ in John Friesen, ed., Mennonites in Russia 1788-1988: Essays in Honour of Gerhard Lohrenz (Winnipeg: CMBC, 1989), 183-202, and James Urry, ¹Mennonites, Nation­alism and the State in Imperial Russia,¹ JMS 12 (1994), 65-88.

14 The standard history of the Doukhobors is George Woodcock and Ivan Avakumovic, TheDoukhobors (London: Faber and Faber, 1968), while other important works on Doukhobors in the Molochna include Gary Dean Fry, ¹The Doukhobors, 1801-1855: The Origins of a Successful Dissident Sect’ (PhD dissertation, American University, 1976), and A.I.

Oldenbourg, 1993), which also contains an exhaustive bibliography on the subject.

E.I. Druzhinina, Kuchuk-Kainardzhiiskii mir 1774 goda (ego podgotovka ³ Zakliuchenie) (Moscow: Nauka, 1995); SevernoePrichernomoKev 1775-1800 gg. (Moscow: Nauka, 1959); Iuzhnaia Ukraina v 1800-1825 gg. (Moscow: Nauka, 1970); and Iuzhnaia Ukraina v period krizisa feodalisma 1825-1860gg. (Moscow: Nauka, 1981).

Druzhinina, Iuzhnaia Ukraina υ 1800-1825 gg., 128.

Olga Crisp, ‘The State Peasants under Nicholas I,’ in Studies in the Russian Economy before 1914 (London: Macmillan, 1976), 73.

Ibid., 76.

Vadim Aleksandrovich Aleksandrov, ‘Land Re-allotment in the Peasant Commune OfLate-Feudal Russia,’ in Roger Bartlett, ed., Land Commune and Peasant Community in Russia: Communal Forms in Imperial and Early Soviet Society (New York: St Martins, 1990), 39. For comparable assessments, see, e.g., Crisp, ‘The State Peasants under Nicholas I,’ 94; George L. Yaney, The Systemization of Russian Government: Social Evolution in the Domestic Administra­tion of Imperial Russia, 1711-1905 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973), 133.

N.M. Druzhinin, Gosudarstvennye krest'iane ³ reforma P.D. Kiseleva, 2 vols. (Moscow: Nauka, 1946 and 1958).

T.A. Koniukhova, Gosudarstvennaia dereυnia Litvy ³ reforma P.D. Kiseleva 1840-1857 gg. (Vilenskaia ³ Kovenskaia gubemii) (Moscow: Moskovskogo universiteta, 1975); LA. Antsupov, Gosudarstvennaia dereυnia Bessarabii v XIX veke (1812-1870gg.) (Kishinev: Kartia Moldoveniaske, 1966).

George Bolotenko, ‘Administration of the State Peasants in Russia before the Reforms of 1838’ (PhD dissertation: University of Toronto, 1979). Eric R.

James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), x.

James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976), 6-7.

See, e.g., Steven L. Hoch, Serfdom and Social Control in Russia: Petrovskoe, a Village in Tambov (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986); Jeffrey Burds, ‘The Social Control of Peasant Labor in Russia: The Response of Village Communities to Labor Migration in the Central Industrial Region, 1861-1905,’ in Esther Kingston-Mann, and Timothy Mixter, eds., Peasant Economy, Culture, and Politics OfEuropeanRussia, 1800-1921 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 52-100; Lynne Viola, PeasantRebels under Stalin: Collectivisation and the Culture of Peasant Resistance (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1996).

Chapter Two: Colonization and Administrative Policy

1 ‘Ukaz Iavricheskogo praviteΓstva... ob otvode zemli gosudarstvennym krest’ianam iz Chernigovskoi gubemii,’ 18 February 1824, GAKhO, f 14, op. 2, d. 7, n.p.

2 AlanW. Fisher, The Russian Annexation of the Crimea, 1772-1783 (Cam­bridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1970), 135-42.

3 Judith Pallot and DenisJ. B. Shaw, Landscape and Settlement in Romanov Russia 1613-1917 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 21-6.

4 See, e.g., Roger P. Bardett, Human Capital: The Settlement OfForeigners in Russia, 1762-1804 (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1979), 23-30.

5 PSZ (1), 12099. Regarding the implementation of the Plan, see Bardett, Human Capital, 109-118.

6 On the general subject of immigration to the region, see Bardett, Human Capital.

7 P.S. Pallas, Travels through the Southern Provinces of the Russian Empire, in the Years 1793 and 1794, 2 vols.

8 For the 1797 map, see RVIA, f. 846 op. 16, d. 23814, n.p. For short histories of villages and towns in the region, see V.I. Petrikin et al., eds., Istoriia mist ³ sil UkrainsTtoi RSR: ZaporizTta oblast’ (Kiev: Nauka URSR, 1970).

9 The lack of proper equipment during the original surveys is frequendy referred to in the course of new surveys done in the 1830s and 1840s. See, e.g., RGIA, f. 383 op. 1, d. 190, I. 6ob.

10 PSZ (1), 1265.

11 V.M. Kabuzan, Zaselenie Novorossii (Ekaterinoslavskoi ³ Khersonskoi gubemii) v XVIIIfervoipolovine XIXveka (1719-1858 gg.) (Moscow: Nauka, 1976).

12 Kabuzan, Narodonaselenie Rossii v XVIII-pervoi polovine XIX v. (po materialam reυizii) (Moscow: Nauka, 1963), 159-63, Table 17; Druzhinina, Iuzhnaia Ukraina V 1800-1825, 247, Table 19; Druzhinina, Iuzhnaia Ukraina v period krizisa feodalizma, 13, Table 1.

13 At least, my attempts to find the 1835 reviziia records in RGIA, f. 571, turned up only partial records. A full-scale demographic study, such as that conducted on the remainder of New Russia by Kabuzan, would quite possibly permit a reconstruction of the reviziia. For sources, see Table 2.1. ⁱVerzeichnis Uber die Bevolkerung im Molotschner Mennonisten Gebiet. VonJanuar 1806 bis derselben datum 1849,’ PJBRMA, file 1402, 2.

Hoch, Serfdom and Social Control, 73.

Don Karl Rowney, and Walter McKenzie Pinter, ‘Officialdom and Bureau­cratization: Conclusion,’ in Pintner & Rowney, eds., Russian Officialdom: The Bureaucratization of Russian Society from the Seventeenth Century to the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), 371.

S. Frederick Starr, Decentralization and Self-Government in Russia, 1830~1870 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), 20.

A number of studies have addressed the Russian regional administrative system. On the State Peasant administration specifically, the most impor­tant are Druzhinin, Gosudarstvennye krest’iane, and Bolotenko, ‘Administra­tion of the State Peasants.’ Important works on the broader administrative problem include Starr, Decentralization and Self-Government, and Yaney, The Systematization of Russian Government.

Bolotenko claims that where land redistribution did not exist, neither did the obshchina. On this basis, he claims that it did not exist in Tavria guberniia prior to the 1820s or 1830s (Bolotenko, ‘Administration of the State Peasants,’ 31). However, peasants in non-redistributive state peasant villages in Tavria guberniia routinely identified themselves in their peti­tions as members of obshchinas.

Urry, None But Saints, 71-2.

Bolotenko, ‘Administration of the State Peasants,’ 195.

Ibid., 206.

Ibid., 209.

Ibid., 209.

Ibid., 209.

Ibid., 160-61. Zemskii ispravnik is often translated as ‘police chief,’ but ‘district administrator’ more accurately expresses the broad administrative functions of the position.

Starr, Decentralization and Self-Government, 40.

Properly called the ‘Office of Guardianship of New Russian Settlers’ until 1818.

On the ill-defined role of Governor-Generals, see Yaney, The Systemization of Russian Government, 72.

'O glavnykh Osnovaniiakh novago polozhenna ob Obezpechenii prodovol’stviia,’ 1840, RGIA, f 1589 op. 1, d. 693, U. 70-132. PSZ (1), 13017.

PSZ (1), 17127.

PSZ(I), 19203.

‘Ob urozhae v nyneshniem godu khleba ³ î merakh ê Obezpecheniiu prodovolstviia zhitelei Krymskago poluostrova,’ 1821, GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 5394, n.p.

‘Po zapiske î predpisanii kolonistskim nachaΓstvam OtnositePno Obespecheniia v prodovol’stvii kolonistov v neurozhainom gody,’ May 1822, RGIA, f. 383, op. 29, d. 502, U. 2-5ob.

Arcadius Kahan, ‘The “Tsar Hunger” in the Land of the Tsars,’ in Arcadius Kahan, Russian Economic History: The Nineteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 108.

For 1843 grain reserve figures, see ‘Otchety tavricheskikh gubernatorov... za 1843,’ RGIA, f. 1281, op. 4, d. 49a, U. 74ob-75. For the 1842 modification to the law see Tnstruktsiia î privedenii v deistvie Vysochaishe Utverzhdennago 16-go marta 1842 goda polozheniia ob Obespechenii prodovol’stviem gosudarstvennykh krest^,ian chastnymi zapasami,’ 16 March 1842, RGIA, f. 1589 op. 1, d. 693, U. 310-316ob.

‘Vedomost’ î summakh, Otpushchennykh iz gosudarstvennago kaznacheistva na prodovoΓstvie gosudarstvennykh krest’ian v 1833 ³ 1834 godakh, po sluchaiu neurozhaia,’ RGIA, f. 1589, op. 1, d. 693, I. 39. The paper ruble, or assignant, traded at 3.65 to the silver ruble in 1834. ‘Ob urozhae khlebov ³ trav v Tavricheskoi gubernii v 1858 godu,’ RGIA, f. 1287, op. 3, d. 199, n.p.

‘O glavnykh Osnovaniiakh novago polozheniia ob Obespechenii prodovol’stviem,’ 1840, RGIA, f. 1589 op. 1, d. 693, I. 71.

‘ Mnenie Upravliaiushchago Ministerstva Politsii generala ot infanterii grafa Viazmitinova, po predmetu Zapreshcheniia vypuska khleba iz odnoi Gubernii v druguiu pri sluchae neurozhaia ³ nedostatka v prodovol’stvii,’ n.d. (probably 1819), RGIA f. 1287, op. 1, d. 184, U. 4-13ob.

PSZ(I), 19943.

PSZ (1), 24992; PSZ (1), 25302.

PSZ(I), 25856.

PSZ(I), 24992.

Petrikin, Istoriia mist ³ sil Ukrains’koi RSR: Zapariz’ka oblast’.

‘O pereselenii Smolenskikh kazennykh krest’ian v Novorossiiskii krai,’ 1803-1822, RGIA, f. 1285, op. 1, d. 13a, U. 19-23ob. Regarding the secularisation of church and monastery lands and the creation of economic peasants, see V.I. Semevskii, Krest’iane v Isarstvovanie Imperatritsy Ekateriny II, 2 vols. (St Petersburg: Stasiulevich, 1881), 2:252-286.

‘O pereselenii Smolenskikh... krest’ian,’ 1803-1822, RGIA, f. 1285, op. 1, d. 13a, ll. 19-23ob.

Ibid., II. 87-87ob.

Ibid., II. 87-87ob.

Contenius to Ministry OfInternaI Affairs, 22 August 1806, RGIA, f. 1285, op. 1, d. 13, ll. 7-9ob.

‘Po predmetu pereseleniia kazennykh krest’ian v Novorossiiskii krai,’ September 1806, RGIA, f. 1285, op. 1, d. 73, ll. 32ob-34ob.

Ibid., ll. 32ob.-34.

‘Po pis’mam khersonskago voennago gubernatora Diuka Rishel’e,’ August 1806, RGIA, f. 1285, op. 1, d. 73, ll. 1-7.

On the origins of early colonists, see A. S. Kotsievskii, ‘Krest’ianskaia kolonizatsiia iuzhnoi ukrainy v pervoi treti XIX v.,’ Materialy po istorii sel’skogo khoziaistva ³ krest’ianstva SSSR, 4 (1964), 130.

PSZ(I), 21941.

On the influence of the climate on settlement sites, see Friesen, ¹Menno- nites and their Peasant Neighbours in Ukraine Before 1900,’ 58. Seasonal water flow in the rivers of the Molochna watershed are described in ^lOpisanie rechek, protekaiushchikh v Novorossiiskoi gubernii v MariupoFskom uezde, pri kotorykh predpologaiutsia seleniia dlia frantsuzskikh vykhodtsev,’ 5 August 1797, RGVIA, f. 846, op. 16, d. 23814, n.p.

Bolotenko, ‘Administration of the State Peasants,’ 30.

Wilhelm Bernard Bauman, ‘Opisanie kazennago seleniia Tokmaka, v Tavricheskoi gubernii,’ ZhMGI 24 (1847), 3-4.

See, e.g., ‘Spisok khutorov Dneprovskago ³ MelitopoFskago uezdov, pereimenovannykh v sela,’ 15 December 1839, GAKhO, f. 14, op. 2, d. 97, n.p.

This organic development of multivillage Obshchinas is noted by Moshe Lewin in ‘The obshchina and the Village,’ in Roger Bartlett, ed., Land Commune and Peasant Community in Russia: Communal Forms in Imperial and Early Soviet Society (London: Macmillan, 1990), 20-35. Lewin, who calls multivillage obshchinas ‘complex communes,’ provides a full examination of the historiographical debate surrounding the obshchina.

See, eg, Johann Cornies, ¹Notwendig zu beobachtende und in den Nogaier Dialeckt zu iibersetzen nδtige Regeln, zur Zivilisie ung der nogaischen Bewohner der aus einem Nogaier Aule gegriindeten Muster Kolonien Akkermann,' PJBRMA, file 364, 8-16ob.

See, e.g., an 18 November 1804 letter from Infantry General Rosenburg to Cavalry Colonel Trevogin, in which Rosenburg expresses his ‘disgust, most of all, at the disorder’ of nomadism. GAKO, f. 27, op. 1, d. 543, n.p. On Russian attitudes toward non-Christian peoples, see Michael Khodarkovsky, “‘Ignoble Savages and Unfaithful Subjects”: Constructing Non-Christian Identities in Early Modern Russia,’ in DanielJ. Brower and EdwardJ. Lazzerini, eds., Russia’s Orient: ImperialBorderlands and Peoples, 1700-1917 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 9-26.

B.B. Kochekaev, Nogaisko-msskie Otnosheniia v XV-XVIII vv. (Alma-Ata: Nauka, 1988).

Pallas, Travels through the Southern Provinces of the Russian Empire, 1: 533. For the 1796 group, see Pallas to Tavria Governor Zubov, 19 March 1796, GAK0, f 801, op. 1, d. 58, n.p. On the 1807 and 1810 groups, see K B Khanatskii, ed., Pamiatnaia knizhka Tavricheskoi gubemii (Simferopol’: TipografiiaTavricheskogo gubernskogo pravleniia, 1867), 210.

‘Otchety Tavricheskikh gubernatorov... za 1810,’ RGIA, f. 1281, op. 11, d. 131, n.p.

Pallas, Travels, 1:532—3.

Ibid.

A.M. Khazanov, Nomads and the Outside World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 19.

Ibid., 51.

‘Plan Novorossiiskoi gubernii MariupoΓskago uezda, protekaiushchikh rechek sniatyi v 1797 godu Avgusta 5 dnia,’ RGVIA, f. 846, op. 16, d. 23814, n.p.

Baiazet Bey to Civil Governor Borozdin, 1803, GAKO, f. 27, op. 1, d. 543, n.p.

Demaison (ca. 1760-1826), who signed himself‘le Comte de Maison,’ in his French-Ianguage correspondence, entered Russian service with the rank of College Assessor in 1802, when he became an inspector at the Aleksandrovskii state factory in Ekaterinoslav. He was made Chief of the Nogai Horde on 21 April 1808, a post he would hold until one year before his death in 1826. His complete service record can be found in GAK0, f. 26, op. I, d. 5509, n.p.

Johann Cornies, ‘Kratkii obzor polozheniia Nogaiskikh tatar, Vodvorennykh v MelitopoEskom uezde Tavricheskoi gubernii,’ Teleskop 33 (1836): 7-8. These instructions are described in Tavria Civil Governor Borozdin to Tavria Gubemiia Land-Surveyor M. A. Mukhin, 7 June 1809, GAKO, f. 377, op. 1, d. 595, n.p.

Borodin to Mukhin, 7 June 1809, GAKO, f. 377, op.A, d. 595, n.p.

Service record of Demaison, GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 5509, n.p.

Cornies, ‘Einiges tiber die Nogaier-Tataren,' 6-7.

Demaison to Richelieu, 15 Feb. 1817, GAKO₁ f. 26, op. 1, d. 2607, n.p. 'Po zhalobam nogaitsev na nachal’nika svoego Demezona,' 1820, GAK0, f. 26, op. 1, d. 4906, n.p.

'Reshenie Rhersonskagovoennago gubernatora,' 13 Aug. 1829, GAK0, f. 26, op. 1, d. 4906, n.p. It is hard to imagine that Demaison could have been entirely ignorant of the affair. According to the official decision, some 246,000 kg. of salt were illegally exported and sold, and the original complaint alleged that the amount was roughly 980,000 kg.

Demaison to Todorov, 3 Sept. 1821, GAK0, f. 26, op. 1, d. 5579, n.p. Based on the seven years for which comparable data is available. See Table 3.4.

Theories on the Doukhobors' origins and early history are usefully summarized in Woodcock and Avakumovic, TheDoukhobors, 17-34. See also Fry, ‘The Doukhobors,' 30-78. The most influential Russian-language account is A. I. Klibanov, Istoriia religioznogo sektantstva v Rossii (60-e gody XIX v.-1917g.) (Moscow: Nauka, 1965), 85-121. The latest assessment of Skovoroda’s influence is Victor O. Buyniak, ‘Skovoroda in early Dukhobor History: Fact or Myth,’ in KoozmaJ. Tarasoff, ed., The Spirit Wrestlers: Centennial Papers in Honour of Canada’s Dukhobor Heritage (Hull: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 1995), 9-20.

WoodcockandAvakumovic, TheDoukhobors, 19.

Ibid., 20.

II Corinthians, III, 6. On Doukhobor attitudes to the written word, see Fry, ‘The Doukhobors,' 22.

Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, 36.

Ibid., 31.

Fry, ‘The Doukhobors,' 103.

Fry, ‘The Doukhobors,' 218-20.

The intention to quarantine the Doukhobors was clearly understood at the time. See Robert Pinkerton, Russia: or Miscellaneous Observations on the Past and Present State of that Country and Its Inhabitants (London: Seeley and Sons, 1833), 168.

PSZ (2), 5:4010.

For the population in 1811, see GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 994, n.p. In 1824 there were 2,055 males (GAKhO₁ f. 14, op. 2, d. 70, n.p.), while the total number ofDoukhobors exiled to the Caucasus between 1841 and 1845 was 4,992 (GAOO,f. 1, op. 166, d. 32).

'Ukaz Tavricheskogo gubernskago pravleniia î razmezhevanii Doukhoborcheskikh zemeΓ,' 17 February 1825, GAKhO₁ f. 14, op. 2, d. 70, n.p.

‘Delo ob Otmezhevanii zemli v obrochnoe Soderzhanie dukhoborcheskimi Seleniiami v MelitopoFskom uezde,’ 4 August 1821, GAKhO, f. 14, op. 2, d. 70, n.p.

For a detailed description of these exchanges, see Fry, ‘The Doukhobors,¹ 186-90.

Fry, ‘The Doukhobors,¹ 189.

‘Ukaz Tavricheskogo gubernskago pravleniia î razmezhevanii Dukhoborcheskikh zemel¹,¹ 17 February 1825, GAKhO, f. 14, op. 2, d. 70, n.p.

¹Vedomost¹ î chisle Sostoiashchikh v MelitopoΓskom Uezde dukhoborcheskikh selenii,' March 1824, GAKhO, f. 14, op. 2, d. 70, n.p. Dukhobor elders to Ministry of Internal Affairs, 18 March 1824, GAKhO, f. 14, op. 2, d. 70, n.p.

The classic formulation of the 'Mennonite Commonwealth¹ thesis is David G. Rempel, ‘The Mennonite Commonwealth in Russia,¹ Mennonite Quarterly Review (hereafter MQR) 47 (1973), 259-308 and 48 (1974), 5-54. The growth of a group identity amongst the Dukhobors is an important theme in Fry’s ‘The Doukhobors.¹

‘Ukaz Ego Imperatorskago Velichestva,¹ 17 February 1825, GAKhO, f. 14, op. 2, d. 70, n.p.

O. Koppen, ‘O polevodstve v Tavricheskoi gubernii,¹ 104.

P. I. Koppen, ‘O raskol’nikakh, prozhivaiushchikh v Tavricheskoi gubemii¹ (hereafter ‘O raskol’nikakh¹), 1837, GAOO,/ 1, op. 200, d. 52, n.p.

The reserve land system in the Colonies is described in Rempel, ‘The Mennonite Commonwealth in Russia,¹ MQR 48: 7.

ModemEncyclopedia of Russian and Soviet History, s.v. ^tMolokane.¹ There is no good modern history of the Molokans. A useful but doctrinaire summary can be found in Klibanov, Istoriia religioznogo sektantstυa, 122-83. Koppen, ‘O raskol’nikakh,¹ 42.

Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, 30.

Summarized in a report of the Tavria office of the Ministry of State Domains to the First Department of the Ministry of State Domains in StPetersburg, 1838, RGIA, f. 383, op. 1, d. 234, U. 16-17ob.

Tavria office of the Ministry of State Domains to the First Department of the Ministry ofState Domains in St Petersburg, 1838, RGIA, f. 383, op. 1, d. 234, U. 16-17ob.

‘O pereselenii malakanov ³ drugikh podobnykh im raskol’nikov iz Vladimirskoi v Tavricheskuiu guberniiu na Otvedennye dlia vodvoreniia im tarn zemli v chisle 30,000 desiatin,¹ 15 February 1828, RGIA, f. 1284, op. 195, d. 165, U. 1-2.

114 See, e.g., Bartlett, Human Capital, 23-30.

115 The Mennonite Charter OfPrivileges is reproduced in Urry, None But Saints, 282-4.

116 On Russian recruitment policies, see Bartlett, Human Capital, 23-30; Urry, None But Saints, 51-6.

117 Villages of origin are given in Benjamin Heinrich Unruh, Die niederlandisch- niederdeutschen Hintergrilnde der mennonitischen Ostwanderungen im 16., 18. und 19Jahrhundert (Karlsruhe: Heinrich Schneider, 1955), 304-29.

118 ¹Historische Ubersicht! Der am rechten Ufer des Molotschna Flusses angesiedelten deutschen Kolonisten und dessen Zustand,' 1836, PJBRMA, file 375.

119 Lew Malinowski, ‘Passage to Russia: Who were the Emigrants?,’ trans. Emil Toews, Journal oj the American Society oj Germans from Russia 2 (1979), 27.

120 Urry, None But Saints, 55.

121 Ibid., 61.

122 Rempel, ¹Mennonite Commonwealth,’ 2:7.

123 Ibid., 2:7.

124 ¹Kameral Liste,' 1834, GADO,f. 134, op. 1, d. 981.

125 Urry, None But Saints, 38-40.

126 Ibid., 71.

127 Fred C. Koch, in his study of the Volga Germans, concludes that the Volga Guardianship Committee had quite the opposite effect, leading the Volga Germans to be ‘retarded culturally and handicapped economically.’ See Koch, The Volga Germans: In Russia and the Americas, from 1763 to the Present (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1978), 42.

Chapter Three: Adaption on the Land-Rich Steppe, 1783-1833

1 Anne Booth and R.M. Sundrum, Labour Absorption in Agriculture: Theoretical Analysis and Empirical Investigations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 78-97.

2 On the economic logic of wool production in isolated areas, see Bruce R. Davidson, ‘The Development of the Pastoral Industry in Australia during the Nineteenth Century,’ in Koster and Chang, Pastoralists, 79-102.

3 Friesen, ¹NewRussia,' 121 n. 39.

4 Iu. Witte, ‘O sel’skom Hroziaistve v Khersonskoi, Tavricheskoi ³ Ekaterinoslavskoi guberniiakh,’ ZhMVD, no. 3 (1834), 110. Witte says the haylands produced the equivalent of from 1,960 and 2,450 kilograms of hay per desiatina. Consumption was approximately 1.22 kilograms per sheep per day.

5 See ⁱKammeral Liste,’ 1825, GADO f. 134, op. 1, d. 786, n.p.; ⁱKammeral Liste,’ 1829, GADO f. 134, op. 1, d. 893, n.p.; ⁱKammeral Liste,’ 1834, GADO f. 134, op. 1, d. 981, n.p.. In the 1870s E. I. Falts-Fein kept 170,000 sheep on 82,046 desiatinas - 2.07 sheep per desiatina - in Dneprovsk (Friesen, ‘New Russia,’ 142).

6 Peter F. Ffolliott, Dryland Forestry: Planning and Management (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1995), 20.

7 ⁱStatisticheskii ocherk torgovli skotom v s. Petrburge,' ZhMGl31 (1848), 20.

8 A.T. Semple, Grassland Improvement (Cleveland: CRC Press, 1970), 28.

9 Ibid., 58.

10 Elinor G.K. Melville, A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 6-7.

11 Melville, A Plague of Sheep, 1.

12 Philip Burnham, ‘Spatial mobility and political centralization in pastoral societies,’ in Pastoral Production and Society: Proceedings of the International Meeting on Nomadic Pastoralism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 351.

13 A.M. Khazanov, Nomads and the Outside World (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1984), 127-32.

14 Khazanov, Nomads and the Outside World, 127; Lawrence Krader, Social Organization of the Mongol-Turkic Pastoral Nomads (The Hague: Mouton, 1963), 335.

15 Khazanov, Nomads and the Outside World, 132.

16 Jean-Pierre Digard, ‘The Segmental System: Native Model or Anthropologi­cal Construction? Discussion of an Iranian Example,’ in Wolfgang Weissleder, ed., The Nomadic Alternative: Modes and Models OfInteraction in the African-Asian Deserts and Steppes (The Hague: Mouton, 1978), 315. See also Khazanov, Nomads and the Outside World, 127.

17 ⁱGeschichte der Tataren und Nogaier aus derselben,’ 1838, PJBRMA, file 494.

18 Philip Carl Salzman, ‘Synthetic and Multicausal Approaches to the Study of Nomadic Peoples.’ Nomadic Peoples 16 (1984), 315. See also Krader, Social Organization, 337.

19 Khazanov, Nomads and the Outside World, 140.

20 Ibid., 147.

21 Krader, Social Organization, 335-6; Khazanov, ‘Characteristic Features of Nomadic Communities in the Eurasian Steppes,’ in The Nomadic Alternative, 123.

Salzman, ‘Synthetic and Multicausal Approaches,’ 33.

Khazanov, Nomads and the Outside World, 152-7.

Johann Cornies, 'Einiges Ober die Nogaier-Tataren in Russland,' 1825, PJBRMA, file 69, 7-8.

Comies, ‘Kratkii obzor polozheniia nogaiskikh tatar, vodvorennykh v MelitopoΓskom uezde Tavricheskoi gubernii,' Teleskop 33 (1836), 8.

Ibid., 294.

Mennonite and state peasant yields are based on data from ^lOtchety tavricheskikh gubernatorov... za 1816,’ RGIA, f. 1281, op. 11, d. 133, part 1, I. 9-16, 66-69, 92-93, 113-116; ¹Ob urozhae khlebov... v 1817 g.,’ GAK0, f 26, op. 1, d. 2503, n.p.; ‘Ob urozhae khlebov... v 1818 g.,’ GAKO, f. 26, op.

1, d. 3308, n.p.; ‘Ob urozhae khlebov... v 1819 g.,’ GAK0, f. 26, op. 1, d. 4137, n.p.

Demaison’s assistant, a Major Baraktarev, filled in until 1825. He was succeeded by a series of appointees, none of whom held the post long.

Comies, ‘Einiges fiber die Nogaier-Tataren,' 25. This unpublished essay, while in most essentials identical to Cornies’ 1836 Teleskop article, is much more pessimistic about the future of the Nogais.

There is an extensive literature on the cultural role of livestock in pastoral societies. A useful introduction is John G. Galaty, ‘Cultural Perspectives on Nomadic Pastoral Societies,’ Nomadic Peoples 16 (October 1984), 15-30.

Daniel Schlatter, Bruchstilcke aus einigen Reisen nach dem Siidlichen Russland, in denJahren 1822 bis 1828 (St Gallen: Huber und Comp., 1830), 188. Cornies, ‘Einiges fiber die Nogaier-Tataren,¹ 25.

Goerz, The Molotschna Settlement, 24.

Schlatter, Bruchstiicke, 279-80.

Ibid., 108.

Ibid., 87, 285.

Ibid., 60.

‘Vedomost’. O Skotovodstve v Tavricheskoi gubernii za 1824 g.,’ 1825, RGIA, f. 1281, op. 11, d. 133, part II, I. 38-9.

Schlatter, Bruchstiicke, 60.

David H. ILpp, Johann Cornies, trans. Peter Pauls (Winnipeg: CMBC/The Manitoba Mennonite Historical Society, 1995), 6.

Cornies, ‘Einiges fiber die Nogaier-Tataren,' 49. ^lRechnung. Uber die Pachtlander,' 1824, PJBRMA, file 68, l-5ob.

Cornies to P.I. Koppen, 28 Dec. 1837, PJBRMA, file 236.

'Dogovora Zakliuchennye mezhdu I. Kornisom ³ Nogaitsami,' 1 November 1834, PJBRMA, file 307, l-4ob.

In fact the sharecropper sometimes provides draft animals and even agricultural implements, but these form a small part of the total capital input. For a useful summary of sharecropping and its economic analysis, see Frank Ellis, Peasant Economics: Farm Households and Agrarian Development (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1988), 141-59.

R. Pearce, ‘Sharecropping: Towards a MarxistView,' in TJ. Byres, ed., Sharecroppingand Sharecroppers (London: Frank Cass, 1983), 42-70.

For a useful summary, see Byres, ‘Historical Perspectives on Sharecrop­ping,’ in Sharecroppingand Sharecroppers, 7-40.

On the value of Nogai sheep, see Schlatter, Bruchstucke, 184-5. On merino sheep, see Comies, 'Landwirthschaftliche Notizen,' 1837, PJBRMA, file 992. The small-bodied, short-legged merinos were susceptible to cuts from sharp grass and bushes on the rangelands, less resistant to cold than native sheep, and had not developed immunities to many of the deseases carried by native sheep. On the relative merits of merinos and other sheep, see Friesen, ¹NewRussia,' 110-12, 127.

‘Raboty po Snabzheniiu vodiiu pereselentsev, proizvedennyia v Tavricheskoi gubemii V 1862 godu,' ZhMGI, no. 83 (1863), 316.

‘Po tsirkuliamomu predpisaniiu nekotorym Palatami Gosudarstvenykh Imushchestv ob Ustroistve kolodtsev na bezvodnam obrochnykh uchastkakh,' 1840, RGIA, f. 383, op. 3, d. 2530, n.p.

‘Putevye zametki pri ob’ezde Dneprovskago ³ MelitopoFskago uezdov Tavricheskoi gubernii, v 1835 godu,' Listki izdavaemye Obshchestvom sel’skogo khoziaistva iuzhnoi Rossii (1838), 289-90.

August Von Haxthausen, The Russian Empire: Its People, Institutions, and Resources, 2 vols (London: Chapman and Hall, 1856), 2: 67.

Iu. Witte, ‘O sel’skom khoziaistve v Khersonskoi, Tavricheskoi ³ Ekaterinoslavskoi guberniiakh,' ZhMVD, no. 3 (1834), 22.

V.E. Postnikov, luzhno-russkoekrest’ianskoekhoziaistvo (Moscow: Kushnerev, 1891), 193.

A. Schmidt, Khersonskaia gubemiia. Malerialy geograjii ³ Statistiki Rossii sobrannye Ofitserami general’nogo shtaba, 2 vols, (St Petersburg: Voennoi Tipografii, 1863), 1:20; Witte, ‘O sel’skom khoziaistve,’ 66.

‘O glavnykh Osnovaniiakh novago polozheniia ob Obespechenii prodovol'stviem,' 1840, RGIA, f. 1589 op. 1, d. 693, 70-132.

Colin Clark and Margaret Haswell, The Economics of Subsistence Agriculture, 4th ed. (London: Macmillan, 1970), 59. Clark and Haswell calculate the minimum at 210 kg. of grain per person per year.

Ibid., 64-5. ‘Grain equivalents’ refers to the conversion of calories ob­tained from other sources into units of grain in order to provide a standard unit of calculation.

E.I. Druzhinina, Iuzhnaia Ukraina υ period krizisa feodalizma 1825-1860 gg. (Moscow: Nauka₁ 1981),41. Druzhinina obtains this figure from an 1849 report in RGIA, f. 1281, op. 5, d. 60, n.p. For an earlier (1840), similar account, see ‘O glavnykh Osnovaniiakh novago polozheniia ob Obespechenii prodovol’stviem,’ 1840, RGIA, f. 1589 op. 1, d. 693, 70-132.

Patricia Herlihy, Odessa: A History, 1794-1914 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986), 68.

‘Umen’shennyi plan kazennykh dach, sei ³ dereven’ Orekhovskoi volosti Berdianskago uezda, Tavricheskoi gubernii,’ 1848, GAZO, f. 263, op. 1, d. 50, n.p.

‘Po Otchetam grazhdanskikh gubematorov î sostoianii gosudarstvennykh krest’ian ³ î merakh Uluchsheniia ikh byta,’ IOJune 1847, RGIA, f. 1589, op.

1, d. 729, U. 33-35ob; ‘Otchety tavricheskikh gubernatorov... za 1837,’ RGIA, f. 1281, op. 3, d. 47, IL 2ob-100b.

R.E.F. Smith and David Christian, Bread and Salt: A Social and Economic History of Food and Drink in Russia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). They obtained a further 29 per cent from potatoes, but these were principally grown as a field crop.

The weather conditions leading to the harvest failure are described in RGIA, f. 1281, op. 11, d. 133, part 1, I. 149.

‘Ob urozhae v nyneshnem godu khleba ³ î merakh ê Obespecheniiu prodovol’stviem zhitel’ei Krymskago poluostrova,’ 1821, GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 5394, n.p. For a comparable report from neighbouring Dneprovsk uezd, see ‘Ob urozhae v nyneshnem godu khleba ³ î merakh ê Obespecheniiu prodovol’stviem zhitelei Krymskago poluostrova,’ 1821, GAK0, f. 26, op. 1, d. 5394, n.p.

Friesen, ‘New Russia,’ 106-44.

Wilhelm Bernhard Bauman, 'Zusammenstellung der von mir in den Steppen des Siidlichen Russlands gemachten Beobachtungen in Beziehung des Ackerbaues,' 1847, PJBRMA, file 1291, 3.

Numerous examples of typical land allocation patterns in the British Isles may be found in Alan R.H. Baker, and Robin A. Butlin, eds., Studies of Field Systems in the British Isles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973). For French examples, see Marc Bloch, French Rural History: An Essay in Its Basic Characteristics, trans. Janet Sonderheimer (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966), centre-plates between pp. 142-143.

Witte, ‘O sel’skom khoziaistve,’ 66-7.

For a description of the infield/outfield system, see G. Whittington, ‘Field Systems of Scotland,’ in Alan R.H. Baker and Robin A. Butler, eds., Studies ofField Systems in the British Isles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 532-5.

Koppen to Kiselev, 12 December 1838, RGIA, f. 1589, op. 1, d. 362, U. 144­7. According to Long, Volga Germans voiced almost precisely the same objections (‘Our forefathers have so farmed’) to abandoning strip farming as late as the first years of the twentieth century - see Long, From Privileged to Dispossessed, 72.

This attitude is best evidenced in peasant reactions when land shortages arose - see Chapter 6.

George Woodcock and Ivan Avakumovic, The Doukhobors (London: Faber and Faber, 1968), 44.

Robert Pinkerton, Russia: or Miscellaneous Observations on the Past and Present State of that Country and Its Inhabitants (London: Seeley and Sons, 1833), 168.

Kolosov, ¹Sekretnaia zapiska MelitopoFskago zemskago ispravnika’ (hereaf­ter ¹Sekretnaia zapiska’), 1837, GAOO, f. 1, op. 200, d. 52, n.p.

Quoted in Fry, ¹The Doukhobors,' 271.

A.A. SkaTkovskii, Khronologicheskoe obozrenie istorii Novorossiiskago kraia 1730­1823. ChastII. s 1796 po 1823 (Odessa, 1838), 167.

Woodcock and Avakumovic write that in 1822 the Dukhobors cultivated an average of IOO acres per male soul, but this is almost certainly a reference to their total land holdings, rather than the amount actually cultivated. Data from the period 1817-1821 suggest they cultivated only about ¹∕2 desiatina per male soul (Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobours, 40; ¹O poseve ³ urozhae khlebov,’ 1817, GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 2503, n.p.; 1818, GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 3308, n.p.; 1819, GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 4137, n.p.; 1820, GAK0, f. 26, op. 1, d. 5017, n.p.; 1821, GAK0, f. 26, op. 1, d. 5394, n.p.).

Quoted in Fry, ¹The Doukhobors,' 271. For other accounts, see, e.g., Pinkerton, Russia, 167-8. The leasing of 902 merino sheep by Dukhobors to Nogai Tatars between 1832 and 1836 is recorded in ¹Spisok akkermanskikh nogaitsev, vziavshikh u dukhobortsev po usloviiam shpanskuiu ovtsy,’ 18 March 1839, PJBRMA, file 691, 7.

¹Svedenie î Stepeni ³ sostoianii stad tonkorunnykh ovets Tavricheskoi gubernii... dlia 1840 goda,' GA00, f. 22, op. 1, d. 580, U. 110-111; on Dukhobor experiences in the Caucasus see Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, 62-83.

Woodcock & Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, 284-307.

Ibid., 45.

Ibid., 45.

^lGlavnyi uchiteΓ Dukhobortsev,' 9 December 1816, GAOO, f. 1, op. 219, d. 3, U. 200-200ob.

Orest Novitskii, Dukhobortsy. Ikh istσriia ³ υerouchenie, 2 ed (Kiev: Universitetskaia tipografιia, 1882), 85.

¹Po Otchetam grazhdanskikh gubernatorov î sostoianii gosudarstvennykh krest’ian ³ î merakh Uluchsheniia ikh byta,' IOJune 1847, RGIA, f. 1589, op. 1, d. T29, U. 33-35.

Bauman, ¹Zusammenstellung,' 8.

Judith Pallot and Denis J.B. Shaw, Landscape and Settlement in Romanov Russia 1613-1917 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 111; K. B. Khanatskii, ed., Pamiatnaia knizhka Tavricheskoi gubemii (Simferopol’: Tipografiia Tavricheskogo gubemskogo pravleniia, 1867), 201,

Roger P. Bartlett, Human Capital: The Settlement OfForeigners in Russia, 1762­1804 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 211.

Zieber’s report is described in a letter from the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ Department of Agriculture to the Minister of State Domains, 26 July 1813, GADO,f. 134, op. 1, d. 343, n.p.

James Urry, None but Saints, 88. For an early report on the success of the program, see ¹Doneseniia glavnogo sud’i kontoru v MVD î razvitii Ovtsevodstvavkoloniiakh,' 29 January 1809, GADO,f. 134, op. 1, d. 225, n.p.

For merino and mixed-breed wool, see ¹Auszug liber den Ertrag der Schafe auf dem Vorwerke Iushanlee von 1825 bis 1845,’ 1845, PJBRMA, file 71, 1- 19ob. For kurdiuchvκ>Liste,’ 1834, GADO, J. 134, op. 1, d. 981, n.p.

On land leases, see Urry, None But Saints, 109; O. Koppen, ‘Neskol’ko slov,’ 269-74.

O. Koppen₁ ‘O polevodstve v Tavricheskoi gubemii ³ î vrednykh na nego Vliianiiakh,' ZhMGI83 (1863), 104.

¹Rechnung. Uber die Pachtlander,' 1824, PJBRMA, file 68, l-5ob.; ¹Rechnung. Uber die Pachtlander₁' 1833₁ PJBRMA, file 242, 68-95ob. Based on Unruh₁ Die niederlandisch-niederdeutschen Hintergriinde, 304-29. PeterJ. Klassen, A Homeland for Strangers: An Introduction to Mennonites in Poland and Prussia (Fresno: Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1989), 13.

Molochna Mennonite Gebietsamt to Inspector Pelekh₁ 25 November 1836, PJBRMA, file 367, 4-5ob.

Witte, ¹O seΓskom khoziaistve,' 67.

Urry₁ NoneButSaints, 144-5.

Ibid., 144.

The precise figures were 28% in 1815, 32% in 1839.

¹S Vedomostiami mestnykh kolonistikh nachal’stv î sostoianii kolonii za 1835 g.₁' 1836, RGIA, f. 383, op. 29, d. 634, U. 87-100. In 1835, the average German Colonist family had 7.56 members, compared to just 4.98 in Mennonite families.

Urry₁ None But Saints, 36-8.

Ibid., 47.

Ibid., 79-82, 99-103.

Delbert F. Plett, The Golden Years: The Mennonite Kleine Gemeinde in Russia (1812-1849) (Steinbach: Author, 1985), 156. In his review of The Golden Years, Urry questions this conclusion, but my own calculations suggest that the twenty-six families identified by Plett are an astonishingly representa­tive cross-section of the larger community (Urry, ‘All that Glisters... ¹: Delbert Plett and the Place of the Kleine Gemeinde in Russian Mennonite History,’ JMS 4 [1986]), 228-50. Note, however, that there are a number of errors in the data as reproduced by Plett₁ and those wishing to examine the matter more closely should base their investigations on the reproduction of the complete census in Unruh, Die Uiederlandisch- niederdeutschen Hintergriinde, 304-29. A complete 1813 census, comparable to the 1808 census published by Unruh, exists in GADO, f. 134, op. 1, d. 356, but I was not permitted to copy it. A careful examination of this census, and a comparison between it and the 1808 census, may well offer some revealing insights into the socioeconomic basis of the Kleine Gemeinde.

133 Heinrich Balzer, ‘Understanding and Reason: Simple Opinions Regarding the Difference between Understanding and Reason, Discussed According to the Teachings of the Gospel,’ reproduced in Plett, The Golden Years, 244.

134 O. Koppen, ‘O polevodstve,’ 148.

135 Goerz, TheMolotschnaSettlement, 13.

Chapter Four: The Great Drought of 1832-1834

1 Cornies provides a running account of the drought in his correspondence. See Cornies to Schlatter, 11 March 1833, PfliRMA, file 276, 7-10; Cornies to Blither, IOJune 1833, PJBRMA, file 276, 18-20; Cornies to Fadeev, 17 July 1833, PJBRMA, file 276, 24-26ob.; Cornies to Fadeev, 13 September 1833, PJBRMA, file 276, 33-35ob.; Cornies to Bluher, 22 June 1834, PJBRMA, file 300, 53-57ob.; Cornies to Fadeev, 18 September 1834, PJBRMA, file 300, 67-68ob.

2 Details of the drought and state relief efforts are described in ^lSravnenie neurozhaev 1833/34 ³ 1839/40,’ 1840, RGIA, J. 1589, op. 1, d. 693, U. l-7ob.

3 Roderick E. McGrew, Russia and the Cholera, 1823-1832 (Madison: Univer­sity OfWisconsin Press, 1965), 3.

4 Ibid., 98.

5 Ibid., 67.

6 Cornies to Fadeev, 15 October 1830, PJBRMA, file 169, 42-43ob.

7 Cornies to Fadeev, 22 December 1830, PJBRMA, file 169, 64-67ob. Cornies implies that the Nogai paid their nachal’nik a bribe to file an October report denying the outbreak.

8 Cornies to Fadeev, 22 December 1830, PJBRMA, file 169, 64ob.-67ob..

9 Cornies to Fadeev, 7 January 1831, PJBRMA, file 200, 2-3.

10 Cornies to Fadeev, 29 July 1831, PJBRMA, file 200, 38-8ob.

11 Cornies to Schlatter, 11 March 1833, PJBRMA, file 276, 7-10.

12 Cornies to Bluher, IOJune 1833, PJBRMA, file 276, 18-20ob.

13 Cornies to Fadeev, 17July 1833, PJBRMA, file 276, 24-26ob.

14 Cornies to Fadeev, 17July 1833, PJBRMA, file 276, 24-26ob.

15 Cornies to Blither, 15 February 1834, PJBRMA, file 300, 21-22ob.

16 Cornies to Bliiher, 15 February 1834, PJBRMA, file 300, 21-21ob.

17 Cornies to Bluher, 22 June 1834, PJBRMA, file 300., 53ob-57.

18 Cornies to Johann Regier, 12 February 1834, PJBRMA, file 300, 16-17ob.

19 Cornies to Blither, 15 February 1834, PJBRMA, file 300, 21-22ob.

20 ^lSravnenie neurozhaev 1833/34 ³ 1839/40,’ 1840, RGIA, J. 1589, op. 1,

d. 693, U. l-7ob.

See Table 2.1.

^lVerzeichnis iiber die Bevolkerung im Molotschner Mennonitischen Gebiet,’ 1849, PJBRMA, file 1402, 2.

Cornies to Bluher, 22 June 1834, PJBRMA, file 300, 53ob-57. For Colonist livestock figures, see ¹Otchet za 1832,’ RGIA, f. 383, op. 29, d. 631, U. 22-40, and ¹Otchet za 1834,’ RGIA, f. 383, op. 29, d. 633, IL 139-51.

Tzvlechenie. Iz proekta î razdelenii MelitopoΓskago okruga gosudarstvennykh imushchestv na volosti ³ sel*skie obshchestva,’ 25 June 1841, RGIA, J. 383, op. 4, d. 3021, U. 30-31ob.

Tzvlechenie. Iz proekta î razdelenii MelitopoFskago okruga gosudarstvennykh imushchestv na volosti ³ sel’skie obshchestva,’ 25 June 1841, RGIA, f. 383, op. 4, d. 3021, U. 30-31ob.

¹Otchet î Zaniatiiakh Tavricheskoi gubernskoi komissii dlia prigotovitefnykh rasporiazhenii po priemu gosudarstvennykh imushchestv s 10 avgusta na 10 Sentiabria 1838 goda,’ RGIA, f. 1589, op. 1, d. 362, U. 86-89ob.

¹Po Otnosheniiu Tavricheskoi kazennoi ekspeditsii. O molokanakh Melitopofskogo uezda, Zhelaiushchikh pereselit’sia v Zakavkazskie provintsii,’ 1833, GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 9830, n.p.

Details of the matter are summarized in a report of the Tavria office of the Ministry of State Domains to the First Department of the Ministry of State Domains in St Petersburg, 28 May 1841, RGIA, f. 383, op. 4, d. 3101, U. 2-5. ¹Otchet î Zaniatiiakh Tavricheskoi gubernskoi komissii dlia prigotovitefnykh rasporiazhenii po priemu gosudarstvennukh imushchestv s 10 avgusta na 10 sentiabria 1838 goda,’ RGIA, f. 1589, op. 1, d. 362, U. 86-89ob.

These proposals are described in great detail in volume 1 of Druzhinin, Gosudarstvennie Krestiane.

Quoted in Druzhinin, GosudarstvennieKresKiane, 1:294.

Ibid., 1:521.

Ibid., 2:188.

First Department of the Ministry of State Domains to Kiselev, 31 May 1843, RGIA, f. 383, op. 1, d. 190, U. 100-107ob.

Veselovskoe SeFskoe Obshchestvo to Ministry of State Domains, 1841, RGIA, J. 383, op. 1, d. 190, U. 51-52ob.

Tavria office of the Ministry of State Domains to the Ministry of State Domains in St Petersburg, 11 September 1841, RGIA, f. 383, op. 1, d. 190, U. 32-32ob.

Governor General of New Russia to Ministry of State Domains, 2 January 1843, RGIA, f. 383, op. 1, d. 190, U. 94-96ob.

George L. Yaney, The Systemization of Russian Government: Social Evolution in IheDomesticAdministrationofImperialRussia, 1711-1905 (Urbana: University oflllinois Press, 1973), 203.

I have borrowed the concept of an ethnocultural ‘commonwealth’ from David G. Rempel’s classic essay ‘The Mennonite Commonwealth in Russia,’ Mennonite Cfuarterly Review 45 (1973), 259-308 and 48 (1974), 5-54. The growth of a group identity among the Doukhobors is an important theme in Gary Dean Fry, ‘The Doukhobors.'

‘Po Otnosheniiu Tavricheskoi kazennoi ekspeditsii. O molokanakh MelitopoΓskogo uezda, Zhelaiushchikh pereselit’sia v Zakavkazskie provintsii,’ 1833, GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 9830, n.p.

Summarized in a report of the Tavria office of the Ministry of State Domains to the First Department of the Ministry of State Domains in St Petersburg, 1838, RGIA, f. 383, op. 1, d. 234, U. 16-17ob.

‘Po Otnosheniiu Tavricheskoi kazennoi ekspeditsii. O molokanakh MelitopoFskogo uezda, Zhelaiushchikh pereselit’sia v Zakavkazskie provintsii,’ 1833, GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 9830, n.p.

For a thorough summary of the accusations and investigation, see Wood­cock and Avakumovic, TheDoukhobors, 49-52. A full record of the investiga­tion is located in GAOO, f. 1, o. 219, d. 3.

EkaterinoslavArkhiapiskop Iov to Minister of Police, 18 August 1816, GAOO, f. 1, o. 219, d. 3, U. 188-9.

Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, 49-51.

Official Nationality was not officially proclaimed until 2 April 1833, but the reactionary attitudes underlying it date from the start of Nicholas’s reign. The standard treatment of the subject is Nicholas Riasanovsky, Nicholas I and Official Nationality in Russia, 1825-1855 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967).

PSZ (2) 5:4010.

The Fifth Department project to survey the provinces is described in W. Bruce Lincoln, In The Vanguard of Reform: Russia ⅛ Enlightened Bureaucrats, 1825-1861 (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1982), 33.

Kolosov, ¹Sekretnaia zapiska,’ 82-92ob. Kolosov mentions his membership in the commission on page 88ob. of this report.

Ibid., 86-87ob.

Ibid., 90-91ob.

Ibid., 91-92ob.

Koppen’s recommendation is quoted in a report from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to Vorontsov, 22 February 1838, GAOO, f. 1, op. 200, d. 52, n.p.

Kiselev to Bludov, 3 February 1838, RGIA, f. 1284, op. 197, d. 131, U. 12-13. Secret Section of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to Vorontsov, 22 February 1838, GAOO, f. 1, op. 200, d. 52, n.p.

‘Zapiska, Zakliuchaiushchaia v sebia predpolozheniia î merakh v Otnoshenii molokanov ³ dukhobortsev Tavricheskoi gubernii,’ 22 February 1838, GAOO, f. 1, op. 200, d. 52, n.p.

Vorontsov to Bludov, 21 March 1838, RGIA, f. 1284, op. 197, d. 131, U. 22- 24ob. On Vorontsov’s attitude toward sectarians, see Anthony L.H. Rhinelander, Prince Michael Vorontsov: Viceroy to the Tsar (Montreal: McGill- Queen’s University Press, 1990), 86-8.

Vorontsov to Bludov, 13 August 1838, RGIA, f. 1284, op. 197, d. 131, U. 28- 35ob.

Fry, ‘The Doukhobors,' 286.

‘Spisok dukhobortsev, naznachennykh ê pereseleniiu v Akhaltsyskii uezd bez zhrebiia,’ 26 March 1842, GAOO, f. 1, op. 151, d. 77, IL 120-35.

‘Spisok dukhobortsev, naznachennykh ê pereseleniiu v Akhaltsyskii uezd po zhrebiiu,' 26 March 1841, GAOO, f. 1, op. 151, d. 77, U. 136-48.

For a summary of all five parties, see ‘Otchet î melitopol’skikh dukhobortsakh... pereselennykh za Kavkaz,' n.d., GA00, f. 1, op. 166, d. 32, I. 134. For the numbers that converted, see ‘Spisok dukhobortsev, prisoedinennykh ê pravoslavnoi tserkvi s 27 maia 1843 goda po 5 iiunia 1844,’ and ‘Spisok gosudarstvennykh krest’ian iz sekty Dukhoborcheskogo... Zhelaiushchikh Obratifsiavpravoslavie,' RGIA, f. 383, op. 5, d. 4319, U. 89-91ob. and 162-3ob.; and ‘Spisok prisoedinivshikhsia dukhobortsev ê pravoslavnoi tserkvi s 1 iiunia 1842 goda po 27 maia 1843 goda,’ RGIA, f. 383, op. 4, d. 3212, I. 70. The figure of twenty-seven families reported by Woodcock and Avakumovic apparently only includes the May 1843 to June 1844 list.

'Vypiska iz dela, proizvedennogo sledstviem î raznykh Zlodeianiiakh, proiskhodivshikh v dukhoborskikh ³ molokanskikh poseleniiakh MelitopoΓskogo uezda,’ (hereafter 'Vypiska iz dela^,), n.d., PJBRMA, file 392.

The report is now located in the PJBRMA, a collection of documents assembled by Peter Braun, a teacher and historian, between 1917 and 1920. The fact that the document is in the PJBRMA means that it almost certainly originated from a Mennonite source, and consequently can be expected to have been in Mennonite hands in the 1830s. The Soviet-era catalogue of the archive, echoed in the new English-language catalogue, dates it to 1836, a year probably derived from the most recent testimony in the document. See Ingrid I. Epp and Harvey L. Dyck, The Peter J. Braun Russian MennoniteArchive, 1803-1920: A Research Guide (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996).

Kolosovwrites that the investigation was ordered by Vorontsov in 1834, and took place in 1835 and 1836. Secondary accounts often refer to a six-year investigation lasting from 1834 to 1839, but this presumably includes the review of the case by central authorities leading up to the exile decree. See,

e. g., Baron Von Haxthausen, The Russian Empire: ItsPeople, Institutions, and Resources, trans, Robert Farie, 2 vols. (London: Chapman and Hall, 1856), 1: 293; Woodcock and Avakumovic, TheDoukhobors, 57. Novitskii says it lasted five years, from 1835 to 1839 (Novitskii, Dukhobortsy: ikh istoriia ³ Veroucheniia, 144).

Novitskii, Dukhobortsy: ikh istoriia ³ Veroucheniia, 145.

Case 12, ‘Vypiska, iz dela,’ 31-6.

Vorontsov to Bludov, 3 February 1838, RGIA, f. 1284, op. 195, d. 165, U. 12-13.

Haxthausen, TheRussianEmpire, 1:293; Novitskii, Dukhobortsy: ikh istoriia ³ υerouchenii, 144; Woodcock and Avakumovic, TheDoukhobors, 57.

Case 14, ‘Vypiska, iz dela,’ 45-49ob.

Case 1, ‘Vypiska, iz dela,’ l-2ob.

Case 10, ‘Vypiska, iz dela,’ 19—20.

The trials and tribulations of Iosif and Fomin are related in Case 12, ‘Vypiska, iz dela,’ 31-6.

Case 11, ‘Vypiska, iz dela,’ 20—31. Some testimony mentions a third victim, identified only as ‘Ivan.’

See e.g. Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, 57.

This is explained in Case 2, ‘Vypiska, iz dela,’ 2ob. Case 5, ‘Vypiska, iz dela,’ 9ob.

Haxthausen, TheRussianEmpire, 1:293.

Haxthausen, The Russian Empire, 1:293; Haxthausen, Studien uber die innem Zustande, des Volksleben und insbesondeτe die Idndlichen Einrichtungen Russlands, 3 vols. (Hanover, 1847), 1:409; Haxthausen, Etudes surla situation, la vie nationale et les institutions rurales de la Russie, 2 vols. (Hanover, 1847), 1:376. Novitskii, Dukhobortsy: ikh istoriia ³ verouchenii, 144.

Ibid., 145.

Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, 59.

Andreevskii to Vorontsov, 6 December 1840, GA00, f. 1, op. 200, d. 52, n.p. On arson in Canada, see Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, 308-31.

Steven L. Hoch, Serfdom and Social Control in Russia: Petrovskoe, a Village in Tambov (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 160-1.

Report of the Secret Section of the MVD to Governor General of Novorossiia and BessarabiaVorontsov, 22 February 1838, GA00, f. 1, op. 200, d. 52, n.p.

Cornies' political role is described in Harvey L. Dyck, ‘Russian Servitor and Mennonite Hero: Light and Shadow in Images of Johann Cornies,' Journal OfMennonite Studies 2 (1984), 9-41. On Cornies' anger about Dukhobor dealings with the Nogai Tatars, see ‘Prikaz Dzhuretskomu Volostnomu ρravleniiu,' PJBRMA, file 691, 9-12.

Cornies to Fadeev, 28 July 1836, PJBRMA, file 388, 35-36ob.

See, e.g., Michael I. Aronson, ‘Geographical and Socioeconomic Factors in the 1881 AntiJewish Pogroms in Russia,’ Russian Review 39:1 (1980), 18-31.

Petition from the Doukhobors to Nicholas I, 22 March 1841, GAOO, f. 1, op. 151, d. Tl, U. 86-8. Note that this petition, by virtue of its existence, refutes Aylmer Maude’s argument, echoed by Woodcock and Avakumovic, that the lack of Doukhobor protests tends to confirm their guilt. See Maude, A Peculiar People: The Doukhobors (NewYork: Funk and Wagnells, 1904), 149; Woodcock and Avakumovic, TheDoukhobors, 59.

Quoted in Fry, ‘The Doukhobors,' 278.

Joseph Elkinton, The Doukhobors: TheirHistory in Russia, TheirMigration to Canada (Philadelphia: Ferris and Leach, 1903), 261-2.

Kolosov, ¹Sekretnaia zapiska,' 87ob.

Koppen, ‘O raskol'nikakh,' 44ob.

‘Zapiska, Zakliuchaiushchaia v sebia predpolozheniia î merakh v Otnoshenii molokanov ³ dukhobortsev Tavricheskoi gubernii,' 22 February 1838, GAOO, f. 1, op. 200, d. 52, n.p.

Ministry of State Domains to Inzov, 3 February 1842, GAOO, f. 1, op. 152, d. 16, U. 28-39.

It is noteworthy that, under similarly crowded conditions, and at almost precisely the same time, sectarians in the Volga region were also exiled in an attempt to force their conversion. See Long, FromPrivileged to Dispossed, 1. Quoted in Woodcock and Avakumovic, The Doukhobors, 59.

Dukhobor elders to Nicholas I, 22 March 1841, GAOO, f. 1, op. 151, d. Tl, U. 168-71.

Dukhobor elders to Nicholas I, 1841, GAOO, J. 1, op. 151, d. Ti, U. 168-71. Ministry of State Domains to Inzov, 3 February 1842, GAOO, f. 1, op. 152, d. 16, U. 28-39.

Ministry of State Domains, Department of Agriculture, Tavria guberniia to Ministry of State Domains, First Department, St. Petersburg, 14 April 1842, RGIA f. 383, op. 1, d. 234, U. 34-35ob.

103 ‘Po pros’be Itiolokan MelitopoFskago uezda seleniia Astrakhanki... î dozvolenii im pereselit’sia za Kavkaz,’ 1841, RGIA, f. 1284, op. 199, d. 74, n.p.

104 See, e.g., ‘Otchety tavricheskikh gubernatorov... za 1847,’ RGIA, f. 1281, op. 4, d. 35a, U. 1-75.

105 The terms of the original lease are mentioned in correspondence regarding David Cornies’s request to renew it in 1861. See Ministry of State Domains to Governor General of New Russia, 24 June 1861, GA00,

f. 1, op. 81, d. 90.

106 On Cornies’s pursuit of land, see, e.g., Urry, None But Saints, 108-13.

107 Ministry of State Domains to Inzov, 3 February 1842, GA00, f. 1, op. 152, d. 16, U. 28-39.

108 WoodcockandAvakumovic, TheDoukhobors, 59.

Chapter Five: Johann Cornies and the Birth of a New Mennonite World View

1 On changing perceptions of Cornies, see Dyck, ‘Russian Servitor,’ passim.

2 See Urry, None But Saints, 34-49; Redekop, Krahn and Steiner, Anabaptist Faith and Economics', Klassen, A Homeland for Strangers.

3 Urry, None But Saints, 41, 99.

4 Ibid., 99-102.

5 Ibid., 34-49; 99-100.

6 Ibid., 101.

7 Ibid., 105.

8 Ibid., 105-6.

9 Ibid., 101.

10 Ibid., 102.

11 Ibid., 111.

12 ^lZhurnal registratsii Iskhodiashchikh dokumentov,’ 20 May 1821, GADO, f. 134, op. 1, d. 692, n.p.

13 Epp, Johann Cornies, 27.

14 Cornies to Schlatter, 12 March 1830, PJBRMA, file 169, 14-20ob.

15 Cornies to Schlatter, 22 December 1828, PJBRMA, file 129, 58-63ob.

16 Cornies to Schlatter, 12 March 1830, PJBRMA, file 169, 14-20ob.

17 Cornies to Van der Smissen, 18 September 1831, PJBRMA, file 200, 48-51ob.

18 Cornies to David Epp, March 1826, PJBRMA, file 82, 14-15.

19 Cornies, ‘Einiges uber die Nogaier-Tataren.'

20 'Pravila neobkhodimye ê Sobliudeniiu pri Ustroistve iz Nogaiskoi derevni akerman v Obraztsovuiu ili primernuiu koloniiu,’ 1842, PJBRMA, file 818, 1-18. There are numerous Otherversions of this document scattered through the Cornies papers.

Travila neobkhodimye ê Sobliudeniiu,’ 1842, PJBRMA_t file 818, 1-18.

On cameralism, see Marc Raeff, The Well-Ordered Police State: Society and Institutional Change through Law in the Germanies and Russia, 1600-1800 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983).

Urry, None But Saints, 55.

Harvey L. Dyck, introduction to A Mennonite in Russia: TheDiaries of Jacob D. Epp, 1851-1880, ed. and trans. Harvey L. Dyck (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 9.

E.K. Francis, In Search oj Utopia: The Mennonites in Manitoba (Altona, MB: D.W. Friesen and Sons, 1955), 9-10. This attitude rested uneasily with the terms of the Russian Mennonites ’ Charter of Privileges, which specifically enjoined them to act as a model to other setders. On divisions within the Mennonite community over their role in the greater society, see, e.g., Urry, None But Saints, 123-37.

Cornies, ‘Einiges fiber die Nogaier-Tataren,' 50.

‘Instruction fur die Vereine in den Kolonien des Molotschner und

Chortitzer Mennonisten Gebiets, zur fordersamen Verbreitung in derselben des Geholz-, Garten-, Seiden-, und Wein-Baues,' 1830, PJBRMA, file 166, 1-21. Note that Khortitsa had its own Forestry Society.

See, e.g., Urry, None But Saints, 112.

‘Instruction ffir die Vereine,' 1830, PJBRMA, file 166, 1-21. ‘Instruction ffir die Vereine,' 1830, PJBRMA, file 166, 1-21.

See Harrison, Forests, passim.

Cornies to Fadeev, 24 July 1831, PJBRMA, file 200, 37-37ob.

For a complete list, see ‘Catalog. Die Bficher des Vereins,' 1841, PJBRMA, file 797, 20-9.

Cornies to Fadeev, 24July 1831, PJBRMA, file 200, 37-37ob; Baron von Rosen to the Department of Agriculture, 14 April 1847, RGIA, J. 383, op. 10, d. 9108, IL 3-12ob.

Urry, NoneButSaints, 113.

‘Instruction ffir die Vereine,' 1830, PJBRMA, file 166, 1-21.

To Otnosheniiu Departamenta SeFskogo Khoziaistva î wedenii u russkikh pereselentsev khoziaistva ³ poriadka upravleniia menonitov,' 24 September 1845, RGIA, J. 383, op. 10, d. 7164, n.p.

‘Instruction ffir die Vereine,' 1830, PJBRMA, file 166, 1-21.

Contenius to Guardianship Committee, 19 January 1823, GADO, J. 134, op. 1, d. 741, n.p.

Cornies to Schlatter, 12 March 1830, PJBRMA, file 169, 14-20ob.

Forestry Society to Gebietsamt, n.d. (probably 1834), PJBRMA, file 310, 41-41ob.

Forestry Society to Gebietsamt, n.d. (probably 1835), PJBRMA, file 343, 27-28.

Cornies to Fadeev, 15 January 1835, PJBRMA, file 315.

Forestry Society to Gebietsamt, 10 December 1836, PJBRMA, file 361. Comies to Fadeev, 13 September 1833, PJBRMA, file 251.

Cornies to Fadeev, 26 February 1836, PJBRMA, file 388.

Comies to Fadeev, 26 Febmary 1836, PJBRMA, file 388.

Comies to Fadeev, 26 Febmary 1836, PJBRMA, file 388.

Urry, None But Saints, 196. See also Calvin Redekop, ‘The Mennonite Romance with the Land,’ in Harry Loewen and Al Reimer, eds., Visions and Realities: Essays, Poems and Fiction Dealing with Mennonite Issues (Winnipeg: Hyperion, 1985), 83-94.

Cornies to Fadeev, 26 June 1839, PJBRMA, file 521 (italics added).

Comies to Fadeev, 5 April 1833, PJBRMA, file 251, ll-12ob.

Cornies to Fadeev, 5 April 1833, PJBRMA, file 251, ll-12ob.

See, e.g., Cornies’ notes from an inspection trip, 10-14 Febmary 1836, PJBRMA, file 368, l-8ob; Comies to Tiegenhagen Schulzenamt, January 1839.

On Waldheim and Gnadenfeld, see Cornies to Fadeev, 28 January 1837, PJBRMA, file 432. On Landskrone, see Cornies to Fadeev, 26 June 1839, PJBRMA, file 521.

Cornies to Fadeev, 26 June 1839, PJBRMA, file 521.

Cornies to Fadeev, 28 January 1837.

An important technological factor in this process was the development of the bukker, a foremnner of the disk cultivator used by modern farmers to destroy surface weeds while minimizing the exposure of deeper soils to moisture evaporation. See Leonard Friesen, ‘Bukkers, Plows and Lobogreikas: Peasant Acquisition of Agricultural Implements in New Russia before I960,’ Russian Review 53:3 (July 1994), 399-418.

Cornies to Fadeev, 28 January 1837, PJBRMA, file 432. Cornies to Fadeev, 26 June 1839, PJBRMA, file 521.

¹Verzeichnis uber Aussaat und Ernte im Molotschner Mennonisten' Bezirk in den Jahren 1828 bis 1848,’ n.d., PJBRMA, file 1308, 25-6.

Comies' extensive correspondence with Blither, which spanned twenty- three years (1825-1848), is scattered throughout the PJBRMA.

Comies to Blither, 18 January 1832, PJBRMA, file 236, 7-7ob.

Cornies to Fadeev, 26 April 1838, PJBRMA, file 496.

See Table 5.4.

Comies to Fadeev, 28 January 1837, PJBRMA, file 432.

'Vedomost. ’ O Wagosostoianii kolonii Molochanskago Menonitskago okruga za ianvar’ mesiats 1839 goda,’ GAOO, f. 6, op. 1, d. 5099, n.p.; 'S mesiachnymi Vedomostiami î Wagosostoianii Berdianskago okruga za ianvar’ 1847,’ GAOO, f. 6, op. 2, d. 10063, n.p.

‘Vedomosti Molochanskago Menonitskago okruzhnago prikaza î khoziaistvennom sostoianii kolonii za 1813 god,’ GADO,f. 134, op. 1, d. 356, n.p.

‘Vedomosti î Wagosostoianii molochanskikh kolonistov za istekshii fevraΓ mts. 1813 goda,’ GAOO, f. 6, op. 1, d. 773, n.p.

¹Kammeral Liste,’ IJanuary 1834, GADO,f. 134, op. 1, d. 981, n.p.; ‘Vedomost.’ O Wagosostoianii kolonii Molochanskago Menonitskago okruga za ianvar’ mesiats 1839 goda,’ GAOO, f. 6, op. 1, d. 5099, n.p.; ¹S mesiachnymi Vedomostiami î Wagosostoianii Berdianskago okruga za ianvar’ 1847,’ GAOO, f. 6, op. 2, d. 10063, n.p.

Cornies to David Epp, 14 August 1826, PJBRMA, file 82, 34-35ob.

Cornies to Fadeev, March 1831, PJBRMA, file 200, 16-16ob.

See Harvey L. Dyck, ‘Landlessness in the Old Colony: The Judenplan Experiment 1850-1880,’ in John Friesen, ed., Mennonites in Russia 1788­1988: Essays InHonourofGerhardLohrenz (Winnipeg: CMBC, 1989), 183­202.

¹Kammeral Liste,’ !January 1849, PJBRMA, file 1392, l-7ob.

¹Notizen wegen der Bittschriften einigen Mennoniten sich nach dem Kiewschen und Wolynischen Gouvernement zu Obersiedeln,' 1849, PJBRMA, file 1429, l-2ob.

Cornies to Inspector Pelekh, 25 November 1836, PJBRMA, file 367, 4-5ob. Cornies to Inspector Pelekh, 25 November 1836, PJBRMA, file 367, 4-5ob. Cornies to Inspector Pelekh, 25 November 1836, PJBRMA, file 367, 4-5ob. ‘Vedomosti î Wagosostoianii Molochanskikh kolonii... za fevral’ mesiats 1807 goda,’ GAOO, f. 6, op. 1, d. 302, n.p.

Comies to Inspector Pelekh, 25 November 1836, PJBRMA, file 367, 4-5ob. Urry, NoneButSaints, 140-1.

Comies to Pelekh, 12 January 1840, PJBRMA, file 612.

Urry, for example, writes that anwohner ‘were often poor, forced to live on the edge of the village and the fringe of society because they had no choice’ (None But Saints, 60).

For a critical view of the role of landowners, see Urry, None But Saints, 203-5. ¹Po Otnosheniiu Departamenta SeFskago Khoziaistva î wedenii u russkikh pereselentsev Idioziaistva ³ poriadka Upravleniia menonitov,’ RGIA, f. 383, op. 10, d. 7164, U. 92-127.

Ibid., Part 3, Item 3.

Ibid., Part 3, Item 2.

Ibid, Part 3, Item 6.

^lKameral Liste,’ IJanuary 1949, PJBRMA file 1392, l-7ob.

‘Po Otnosheniiu Departamenta SePskago Khoziaistva î wedenii u russkikh pereselentsev khoziaistva ³ poriadka Upravleniia menonitov,’ RGIA, f. 383, op. 10, d. 7164, U. 92-127.

For example, the version cited here comes from the records of the Ministry of State Domains in Saratov gubemiia.

‘Po Otnosheniiu Departamenta SePskago Khoziaistva î wedenii u russkikh pereselentsev khoziaistva ³ poriadka upravleniia menonitov,’ Part 2, Item 32, RGIA, f. 383, op. 10, d. 7164, U. 92-127.

‘Po Otnosheniiu Departamenta SePskago Khoziaistva î wedenii u russkikh pereselentsev khoziaistva ³ poriadka upravleniia menonitov,’ Part 3, Items 22 & 27, RGIA, f. 383, op. 10, d. 7164, ll. 92-127.

Ibid., Part 3, Item 11.

Ibid., Part 3, Item 27.

Ibid., Preface to Part 4.

See Dyck, ‘Russian Servitor.’

Urry, None But Saints, 127.

Cornies to Fadeev, 26 April 1838, PJBRMA, file 496. Fadeev had by this time already left the Guardianship Committee to take up a new post as Chief Guardian of the Kalmyk Horde, but he remained highly influential with Guardianship Committee members.

Cornies to Fadeev, 26 April 1838, PJBRMA, file 496.

Urry, None But Saints, 125.

Ibid., 128.

Ibid., 128.

Ibid., 128.

Ibid., 129.

Ibid., 135.

Anne Lincoln Fitzpatrick, The Great Russian Fair: Nizhnii Novgorod, 1840-90 (London: Macmillan, 1990), 5.

Fitzpatrick, Great Russian Fair, 9. See also Herlihy, Odessa, 88-9. Fitzpatrick, Great Russian Fair, 9.

B.N. Mironov, Vnutrennii rynι>k Rossii υo vtoroi pohrt>ine XVIII—pervoi polffvine XIXV. (Leningrad: Nauk, 1981), 161.

Fitzpatrick, Great Russian Fair, 8-9.

See R. Gohstand, ‘The Geography of Trade in Nineteenth-Century Russia,’ Studies in Russian Historical Geography 2: 339-346.

112 Tavricheskaia gubemskaia vedomost’4 (28 January 1838).

113 Wilhelm Bernhard Bauman, 'Opisanie kazennago seleniia Tokmakav Tavricheskoi gubernii,’ ZhMVD 26 (1848), 1-9.

114 According to Aksakov, merino sheep produced about 3.5 Junts of wool per sheep (Izsledm>anie î Iargovle, 200). There were 1,103,945 merino sheep in the two uezds in 1860, so wool production would have been 3,863,808 Junts, or 96,595 puds.

115 For a complete list of State Peasant crafts- and tradesmen in the Molochna in the 1840s, see 'Verzeichnis der Professionisten der Berdjanschen, Melitopolschen und Dneprowschen Kreise,’ 1849, PJBRMA, file 1439, 1.

116 'Verzeichnis: Uber die im November 1843 unter den Nogaier auf Condi­tion gegebene Schafe,’ 1843, PJBRMA, file 903, 1; 'Verzeichnis: Uber die auf rechtmassige Weise unter den Nogaiern befindt. Schafe und deren Contract,’ 1847, PJBRMA, file 1269, 26-37.

117 'S mesiachnymi Vedomostiami î Hagosostoianii kolonii Berdianskago okruga za ianvar’ 1847,’ GAOO, J. 6, o. 2, d. 10063, n.p. ∙

118 'Nogaier Schaafschuld von 1844 an zu bezahlen mit der Bemerkung wie viel von Zeit zu Zeit dieselbe darauf abgetragen haben,’ n.d., PJBRMA, file 916, 1-6.

119 Cornies to Fadeev, 30 December 1836, PJBRMA, file 236.

120 Zemskii ispravnik Kolosov to Inspector Pelekh, 14 February 1836, PJBRMA, file 691, 2-3.

121 'Ob iavlenii konditsii,’ 1837, PJBRMA, file 406, 1-6.

122 Nogais to Cornies, 1839, PJBRMA, file 543, 1-12.

123 Ibid.

124 On ram vs. ewe wool and international demand, see Barnard, Australian Wool Market, 5-6.

125 Bauman, 'Zusammenstellung,' 1847, PJBRMA, file 1291, 1-18.

126 See guarantee to a contract between Regier and Adzhigulov, 3 November 1847, PJBRMA, file 1268, 1-2.

127 Dyck, ‘Russian Servitor,’ 13.

128 The 1848 drought is described in Chapters 6 and 7.

Chapter Six: The Path Taken by the Orthodox State Peasants: Land Repartition

1 'O razvedenii Iesov v Stepnykh uezdakh Tavricheskoi gubernii,’ 7 Novem­ber 1843, RGIA, J. 387, op. 1, d. 10407, U. 20-4.

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid.

4 Koppen to Kiselev, 19 March 1839, RGIA, f. 387, op. 1, d. 10407, U. 20ob-22.

5 ‘O razvedenii Iesov v Stepnykh uezdakh Tavricheskoi gubernii,’ part 2, 28 July 1843, RGIA, f. 387, op. 1, d. 10408, n.p.

6 ‘O razvedenii Iesov v Stepnykh uezdakh Tavricheskoi gubernii,’ part 3, 1843, RGIA,/ 387, op. 1, d. 10409, U. 50-1.

7 ¹Vedemost¹ mal’chikov postupivshikh na obratsovuiu...,’ 1855, PJBRMA, file 1787, 1.

8 For the decree, along with plans and reports on its implementation, see ¹O Sostavlenii predpolozheniia na chet Usileniia razvedeniia kartofelia,' RGIA, f. 1589, op. 1, d. 694, passim.

9 Ibid., U. 12-13.

10 ¹Otchety tavricheskikh gubematorov... za 1856,’ RGIA, f. 1281, op. 6, d. 97­1857, I. 264; ¹Otchety tavricheskikh gubematorov... za 1858,’ RGIA, f. 1281, op. 6, d. 52-1859, I. 82.

11 KB.A. Bodlaender, ‘Influence OfTemperature, Radiation and Photoperiod on Development and Yield,’ The Growth of the Potato: Proceedings of the Tenth EasterschoolinAgriculturalScience, UniversityofNottingham, 1963 (London: Butterworths, 1963), 209.

12 ¹Otchety tavricheskikh gubematorov... za 1858,’ RGIA, f. 1281, op. 6, d. 52­1859, U. 82-4.

13 ¹Ob izbranii na Uchebnye fermy mal’chikov iz gosudarstvennykh krest’ian,’ 1851, RGIA, f. 383, op. 14, d. 16143, I. IOob.

14 Department of Agriculture of the Ministry of State Domains to First Department of the Ministry of State Domains, RGIA, f. 383, op. 10, d. 9232, U. 3-6.

15 Ibid.

16 Berestova obshchina to Vorontsov, 6 October 1834, GAOO, f. 1, op. 191, d. 28, n.p.

17 The case is summarized in a report from the Agricultural Desk of the Department of Finance in Tavria guberniia to the Civil Governor of Tavria, 5 November 1834, GAOO, f 1, op. 191, d. 28, n.p.

18 Berestova obshchina to Vorontsov, 6 October 1834, GAOO, f. 1, op. 191, d. 28, n.p.

19 Berestova obshchina to Vorontsov, 6 October 1834, GAOO, f 1, op. 191, d. 28, n.p.

20 Department of State Domains of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to Vorontsov, 15 March 1837, GAOO, f. 1, d. 191, op. 28, n.p.

21 For other examples that explicitly relate land rights to taxes, see the series of fifteen petitions protesting land reductions in 1841, RGIA, f. 383, op. 1, d. 190, U. 39-75.

Bauman, 'Opisanie kazennago Seleniia Tokmaka,' 5-6. According to Bauman there were 3,342 male residents in 1844.

Bauman, 'Zusammenstellung,' 3-3ob.

Ibid., 2.

Semple, Grassland Improvement, 106.

Ibid., 106.

Bauman, 'Zusammenstellung,' 2. Note that Volga German colonists experienced almost identical problems concerning pasture access, and resorted to stinting to force more equitable access - see Long, From Privileged to Dispossessed, 85.

Bauman, 'Zusammenstellung,' 3-3ob.

Scattered wage data from 1854, 1857, 1859 and 1860 can be found in GAKO, f. 26, op. 1, d. 20812; / 26, op. 1, d. 21942; f. 26, op. 1, d. 23043; f 26, op. 1, d. 23801; f. 26, σp. 1, d. 24037; f. 26, op. 1, d. 24040.

Verzeichnis fiber der russische Dienstboth auf dem Vorwerke Iushanlee,' 1845-1852, PJBRMA, 1214, 1-23.

PJBRMA, 1177, l-lob.

Khanatskii, ed., Pamiatnaia knizhka Tavricheskoi gubemii, 225.

Agricultural Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to Governor GeneralVorontsov, 27 July 1836, GAOO, J. 1, op. 191, d. 32, n.p. ‘The poor are victimized’ is a liberal translation. The actual phrase is: ‘skudnye Ostaiutsia pred nymi [the rich] kraine obizhennymi,' or literally ‘The poor stand before them utterly offended.’

Bauman, ¹Opisanie,' 2.

The project itself is not extant, but it is described in a number of the documents cited here regarding the Bolshoi Tokmak repartition. The full name of the project is ⁱProektpravil khoziaistvennago raspredeleniia zemel’ v kazennykh Seleniiakh iuzhnykh gubemii.’

Bauman, ¹Zusammenstellung'; Bauman, ¹Opisanie kazennago seleniia Tokmaka.'

See Chapter 3, p. 63.

On the 1880s pattern, see Postnikov, Krespianskvekhoziaistvo, 193.

Bauman, ¹Zusammenstellung,' 2.

Semple, Grassland Improvement, 22.

Regarding yields, see Postnikov, KresFianskoe khσziaistvo, 255. Postnikov gives yields per desiatina as follows: winter rye - 4.1 chet./des.-, spring wheat - 3.2 chet./des.-, barley - 5.2 chet./des. Because breakdowns by crop are not available for the period 1840 to 1861, it is impossible to make direct comparisons, but given the standard practice of planting one chetvert per desiatina, the average seed/output ratio for all crops would have been Iitde different than the 1/4.09 achieved in the period 1840 to 1861, and would have been worse than the 1/5.13 obtained in the period 1856 to 1861. Regarding soil exhaustion, see ibid, 190.

42 ‘Po Otnosheniiu Departamenta SeFskago Khoziaistva î raspredelenii zemel V dache seleniia BoFshago Tokmaka s VyseIivshimisia iz nego derevniami Berdianskago okruga,’ 14 April 1847, RGIA, f. 383, op. 10, d. 9108, U. 3-12ob.

43 Ibid.

44 Timofeev does not say which Karakulak, but he was presumably referring to Verkhnii Karakulak, which had a very large proportion of poor land.

45 The report of the village elders is not included with the reports of the regional authorities, but is described in the Ministry of State Domains summary (‘Po Otnosheniiu Departamenta SeFskago Khoziaistva î raspredelenii zemel v dache seleniia BoFshago Tokmaka s Vyselivshimisia iz nego derevniami Berdianskago okruga,’ 14 April 1847, RGIA, f. 383, op. 10, d. 9108, U. 3-12ob.).

46 ‘Po Otnosheniiu Departamenta SeFskago Khoziaistva î raspredelenii zemel’ v dache seleniia BoFshago Tokmaka s Vyselivshimisia iz nego derevniami Berdianskago okruga,’ 14 April 1847, RGIA, f. 383, op. 10, d. 9108, U. 3-12ob.

47 Ibid. The peasants probably had a better appreciation of the water require­ments of their livestock than Bauman. Modern experts place great empha­sis on water quality, and A.T. Semple specifically criticizes the practice of constructing shallow reservoirs on rangeland, saying it ‘wastes water and fails to supply dependable and potable stocks.’ Semple, Grassland Improve­ment (Cleveland: CRC Press, 1970), 258.

48 ‘Po Otnosheniiu Departamenta SeFskago Khoziaistva î raspredelenii zemel’ V dache seleniia BoFshago Tokmaka s Vyselivshimisia iz nego derevniami Berdianskago okruga,’ 14 April 1847, RGIA, f. 383, op. 10, d. 9108.

49 'Zusamunstellung der von mir in den Steppen des siidlichen Russland gemachten Beobachtungen in Beziehung auf den Ackerbau,' 1847, PJBRMA, file 1291, l-17ob.

50 Note that rye had now entered the commercial market. During the MnogozemeCnaia period the price of rye in the Molochna had shown no significant correlation with prices in the rest of the guberniia, but it now reacted to changes elsewhere (see Table 6.4). On the other hand, the correlation between wheat prices in Berdiansk and the rest of the guberniia (r² = 0.46) is actually below the threshold usually considered to denote statistical significance. This anomalous result probably is because Berdiansk only reported grain prices sporadically in the first years after its establishment, so that the available data are insufficient to establish a correlation with any degree of certainty. The result for Melitopol (r² = 0.56) suggests that, as expected, wheat prices were linked to the larger guberniia market.

51 On state peasant livestock preferences, see Friesen, ‘New Russia,’ 110; Bauman, ¹Opisanie₁' 5.

52 The disastrous harvest failures in 1833 to 1834 and 1839 would have mitigated against the per capita holdings rising much further.

53 SkaFkovskii₁ Opyt Statisticheskago Opisaniia, 368.

54 Detailed maps of the district, dating from the 1840s and 1850s, confirm this. See, e.g., ‘Umen’shennyi plan kazennykh dach, sei ³ dereven’ Orekhovskoi volosti, Berdianskago uezda, Tavricheskoi gubernii, sostavlen v 1853 godu,' GAZO, f 263, op. 1, d. 51, n.p.

Chapter Seven: Consolidation and Alienation

1 Quoted in Goerz, The Molotschna Settlement, 28.

2 Bolotenko, ‘Administration of the State Peasants,’ Appendix IILv.

3 Postnikov, KresTianskoe khoziaistυo, 166.

4 Loan payment receipts, 1848, PfliRMA, file 1352, l-34ob.

5 ¹Verzeichnis der Nogaier Schafesfelden fiir Iuschanlii,' 1848, PJBRMA, file 1261, 6-8.

6 Tmmenyi spisok,' 1850, PJBRMA, file 1477, 20-1; ¹Spisok nogaitsam,' 1851, PJBRMA, file 1576, 2-5ob.; ¹Wie viel Land der Akkermener Dorfsgemeinde Zuverpachten wunscht,' 2 Feb. 1853, PJBRMA, file 1687, l-10b.

7 ¹Otdacha nogaitsami v arendu zemli s tsel’iu uplaty nalogov,' 1851, PJBRMA, file 1615, 1-76.

8 ¹Landpacht-Rechnung,' 1851, PJBRMA, file 1557, 1-3.

9 See, e.g., the map of land rented by David Schellenberg in 1853, PJBRMA, file 1686, l-lob.

10 Sergeev, ¹Ukhod tavricheskikh nogaitsev,' 181.

11 ¹Wie viel Land der Akkermener Dorfsgemeinde zu verpachten wunscht,' 2 Feb. 1853, PJBRMA, file 1687, l-lob.

12 ¹Otdacha nogaitsami v arendu zemli s tsel’iu uplaty nalogov,' 1851, PJBRMA, file 1615, 1-76.

13 See Alexander Petzholdt, Reise im westlichen und Siidlichen Russland im Jahre 1855 (Leipzig: Hermann Fries, 1864), 211-31; A. Bode, Notizen, gesammelt auf CinerForstreise durch einen Theil des Europaichen Russlands (Osnabriick: Verlag reprint, 1969 from 1854 original), 291-316.

14 Petzholdt, Reise, 212-14.

15 'Otchety tavricheskikh gubernatorov... za 1853,’ 1854, RGIA, f. 1281, o. 5, d. 60a, I. 5.

16 'Otchety tavricheskikh gubernatorov... za 1842,’ 1843, RGIA, f. 1282, o. 4, d. 73a, I. 41.

17 'Otchety tavricheskikh gubernatorov... za 1842,’ 1843, RGIA, f. 1282, o. 4, d. 73a, I. 41.

18 Pinson, ‘Russian Policy and the Emigration of the Crimean Tatars,’ 38-9.

19 Pinson, ‘Russian Policy and the Emigration of the Crimean Tatars,’ 46.

20 I. Kh. Kalmykov, R. Kh. Kereitov, and L.I.M. Sikaliev, Nogaitsy: istoriko- Otnograficheskii ocherk (Cherkessk: StavropoFskoe Knizhnoe IzdateFstvo, 1988), 39.

21 Nogai Murzas to Ministry of State Domains, 18 July 1857, RGIA, f. 383, op. 20, d. 26953, U. 2-6.

22 'Po Otnosheniiu deistvitel’nago Statskago Sovetnika Rametno,’ 18 August 1859, RGIA, f. 383, op. 20, d. 26953, U. 16-17ob.

23 Sergeev, 'Ukhod tavricheskikh nogaitsev,’ 201.

24 Ibid., 205.

25 Peter M. Friesen, The Mennonite Brotherhood in Russia (1789-1910), trans. J.B. Toews, et al (Fresno, CA: Board of Christian Literature of the General Council OfMennonite Brethren, 1978), 855.

26 Urry, NoneButSaints, 207.

27 Franz Isaac, Die Molotschnaer Mennoniten: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte derseU>en (Halbstadt: Braun, 1908), 63-4.

28 Isaac, Molotschnaer Mennoniten 31 nl and 31 n2.

29 Ibid., 56, italics added.

30 Rempel, 'Mennonite Commonwealth,’ 2:7.

31 Ibid., 2:7.

32 Franz Isaac, Die Molotschner Mennoniten, 32.

33 See, e.g., 'Landpacht-Rechnung,' 1851, PJBRMA, file 1557, l-3ob.

34 'Pachtrechnung,' PJBRMA file 1393 (1849), 1-9. Note that the confusion over land costs may stem from the complicated two-tiered payment system. In 1849 leasers were required to pay a flat annual rate per desiatina of about 20 kopecks, an additional tri-annual payment totalling approximately 40 kopecks, and a state tax of approximately 2 kopecks.

35 Similar problems occurred in the Volga German colonies, where loss of access to steppe land pushed many colonists to the brink of economic ruin. See Long, From Privileged to Dispossessed, 88-9.

36 Khanatskii, ed., Pamiatnaia knizhka Tavricheskoi gubernii, 168-9. For the hydrographic survey prompted by the complaints, see 'Raboty po

Snabzheniiu vodoi pereselentsev, proizvedennyia v Tavricheskoi gubernii v 1862 godu,’ ZhMGI 83 (July 1863).

37 The best source on the subject remains Rempel, ‘The Mennonite Com­monwealth,’ 2: 23-33.

38 Urry, None But Saints, 108-37.

Chapter Eight: Conclusion

1 ^lOtchet î zaniatiiakh tavricheskoi gubernskoi komissii, dlia prigotoviteΓnykh Tasporiazhenii po priemu gosudarstvennykh imushchestv, s 10 avgusta na 10 Sentiabria 1838 goda,’ RGIA, f. 1589, op. 1, d. 362,

U. 86-89ob.

2 Comies to Fadeev, 13 September 1833, PJBRMA, file.

3 ‘O pereselenii smolenskikh... krest’ian,’ 1803-1822, RGIA, f. 1285, op. 1, d. 13a, U. 87-8.

4 Cornies to Wiebe, 20 January 1840, PJBRMA, file 647.