Political developments, 1850-1914
After the Austrian defeat (with Russian help) of the Hungarian revolutionaries in August 1849, the Viennese government under the new emperor, Franz Joseph (reigned 1848-1916), embarked on a policy of centralized neoabsolutist control of the empire.
In Galicia, martial law remained in effect until 1854, and the province was ruled by the Polish governor Count Agenor Goluchowski (1812— 1875)-renamed viceroy (Statthalter/namiestnik) about 1865-whose policy of full cooperation with Austria was not yet appreciated by Polish political circles, whether conservative or liberal. As for the Ukrainians, the Supreme Ruthenian Council dissolved itself in 1852, and following that, most of the group’s concerns revolved around cultural issues, such as the maintenance of Ukrainian cultural institutions, use of the Ukrainian language in public life, and preference for German instead of Polish as the official language in the school system. There are several studies on Ukrainian life during the 1850s’ decade of absolutism as well as the 1860s, which witnessed the first stirrings of a populist Ukrainian cultural movement.47 The Polish struggle to gain political superiority in Galicia during these years has also been given much attention in a biography of governor Goluchowski by Bronislaw Loziriski and in several monographs on specific aspects of Polish political activity.48 Ukrainian reaction to Polish strivings was expressed in cultural terms, and in particular the language question, a problem that took on elements of a Ukrainian cause cèlebre when Goluchowski’s administration proposed in 1859 that the Latin alphabet (in its Czech, not Polish form) be introduced for all Ukrainian publications.49 The provincial government’s unsuccessful intervention in the Ukrainian language question has been treated in two collections of documents50 and in studies on the cultural aspects (“the language war”) and political aspects (the role of Goluchowski) of the problem.5147 M.
T-ov [M. Drahomanov], “Russkie v Galitsii: literaturnyia i politicheskiia zamietki,” Viestnik Evropy, Vili, 1 and 2 (St Petersburg 1873), pp. 114-152 and 769-798; Natal’ Vakhnianyn, Prychynky do istori! ruskol spravy v Halychyni v ll'takh 1848-1870 (L’viv: Lev Lopatyns’kyi 1901); Ivan P. Filevich, Iz istorii Karpatskoi Rusi: ocherki galitsko-russkoi zhizni s 1772 g. 11848-1866) (Warsaw 1907); Sergei Efremov, “Galichina v nachalie konstitutsionnoi ery,” Golos minuvshago, V, 9-10 (Moscow 1917), pp. 154-180; laroslav Hordyns’kyi, Do istori! kul’ turnoho i politychnoho zhytia v Halychyni v 60-tykh rr. XIX v., in Zbirnyk Fil’ol’ogichno! sektsi!NTSh, vol. XVI (L’viv 1917); S.M. Trusevych, Suspil’no- politychnyi rukh u Skhidnii Halychyni v 50-70-kh rokakh XIX st. (Kiev: Naukova dumka 1978).48 Bronislaw Lozinski, Agenor Hrabia Goluchowski w pierwszym kresie rzqdow swoich (1846— 1859) (L’viv: H. Altenberg 1901); Kazimierz Wyka, Teka Stanczyka na tie historii Galicji w latach 1849-1869, Instytut Badati Literackich, Studia Historytzno-Literackie, vol. IV (Wroclaw: ZNIO 1951); Michal Bobrzynski, Wtadyslaw Leopold Jaworski, and Jozef Milewski, Z dziejow odrodzenia politycznego Galicyi, 1859-1873 (Warsaw: G. Gebethner i Wolff 1905); Irena Pannenkowa, Walka Galicji z centralizmem wiedenskim: dzieje rezolucyi Sejmu Galicyjskiego z 24. wrzesnia 1868 (L’viv 1918); Jakub Forst-Battaglia, “Die polnischukrainischen Beziehungen in Galizien zwischen 1866 und 1873,” in Studia austro-polonica, vol. I, in Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellohskiego, CCCCLXXXII: Prace Historyczne, LVII (Warsaw and Cracow 1978), pp. 47-62.
See also the memoirs of Leon Sapieha, marshal of the Galician Diet, covering the period up to 1863, n. 11 above.
49 The proposal was drawn up by the Czech scholar and official in the Ministry of Religion and Education in Vienna, Joseph Jirecek, Heber den Vorschlag das Ruthenische mit lateinischen Schriftzeichen zu schreiben (Vienna: K.K. Hof- und Staatsdruckerei 1859).
50 Die ruthenische Sprach- und Schriftfrage in Galizien (L’viv 1861); Ivan Franko, “Azbuchna viina v Halychyni 1859 r.,” ZapyskyNTSh, CXIV (L’viv 1913), pp. 81-116; CXV (1913), pp. 131-153; CXVI (1913), pp. 87-125.
51 Ivan Franko, ed., Azbuchna viina v Halychyni 1859 r.: novi materiialy, in Ukralns’ ko-rus’ kyi arkhyv, vol. VIII (L’viv 1912); Kazimierz Ostaszewski-Barariski, Agenor Goluchowski i Rusini w roku 1859 (L’viv: M. Schmitt 1910); F.I. S[vistun], Gr. Agenor Golukhovskii i Galitskaia Rus’ v 1848-1859 gg. (L’viv 1901).
The 1860s inaugurated the constitutional period in Austrian history. In February 1861, a two-chamber parliament (Reichsrat) consisting of a House of Lords (Herrenhaus) and House of Deputies (Abgeordnetenhaus) was established by imperial patent in Vienna, while during the same year the Galician Diet (Landtag! Sejm) in L’viv was transformed into a representative assembly. The Diet consisted of representatives elected by four curiae (great landowners, chambers of commerce, towns, and rural communes), and a few Ukrainians were chosen from the last three curiae. Initially, representatives to the House of Deputies in Vienna were designated by the Galician Diet, then after 1873 a four-curiae system was initiated for elections to the parliament as well. In 1895, a fifth curia was established opened to all male voters, and finally in 1907 the curia system was abolished and replaced by universal male suffrage. In the upper house of parliament, Ukrainian Greek Catholic bishops were members ex-officio from the very beginning.[398] [399] To be sure, the Ukrainians, despite their rough equivalency in numbers to the Poles, were always underrepresented in both the Austrian Parliament and Galician Diet. Between 1861 and 1914, the number of Ukrainians in any one session ranged from 38 (1861) to 3 (1867) in Parliament and from 46 (1861) to 13 (1883 and 1901) in the Diet, which meant at best never more than 30 percent of the total allotment in either of the representative bodies. The secondary literatuoe on Ukrainian political developments during the Austrian constitutional period is not very good; it consists for the most part of polemical essays, sometimes with documents appended, on specific issues, or of memoir-like histories, the best of which is by Kost’ Levyts’kyi.[400] On the other hand, Polish historiography contains several important studies on Polish politics and the results achieved in Galicia during the period of de facto autonomy between 1871 and 1914.[401] Important source materials exist, however, in the form of the debates and other materials from the Parliament in Vienna and the Diet in L’viv. The complete stenographic record of the twenty-two sessions of the Austrian Parliament between 1861 and 1918 is available for both the House of Deputies (374 volumes) and the House of Lords (74 volumes). Each session begins with a set of chronologically numbered volumes that contain the verbatim debates (Sitzungen) followed by several volumes of law proposals and other documents (Beilagen).[402] Extremely valuable are the 50 volumes of indices for both houses, each of which contains a subject index and lists of laws debated, members and their presentations, committees, delegates according to province, and Beilagen.[403] The vast majority of the texts in the stenographic record are in German, although toward the end of the empire some other languages were used (including Ukrainian during the very last session). Certain speeches of Ukrainian deputies have been published separately.[404] The complete stenographic record of the Galician Diet between 1861 and 1914 is also available. It consists of three series: debates (posiedzenia, 54 volumes), addenda (alegaty, 90 volumes), and minutes (protokofy, 34 volumes).58 Each volume is preceded by a subject and speaker index, and separate indices have been prepared for the years 1861 to 1895.59 The Diet proceedings are printed in Polish and Ukrainian (using a Latin-based Polish alphabet), although there is a German translation for the years 1863 and 1865-18676Oand some individual speeches by Ukrainian deputies have been published in German or Ukrainian.61 Biographical data on Ukrainian members in the Austrian Parliament are available in guides by Sigmund Hahn covering the five sessions between 1867 and 1892 and in a handbook by Fritz Freund on the House of Deputies during two sessions beginning in 1907 and 1911.62 Longer biographies of several Ukrainian deputies in both the Vienna Parliament and the Galician Diet are found in works by Kost’ Levyts’kyi, Izydor Sokhots’kyi, and Stepan Volynets’.63 58 Stenograficzne Sprawozdania Sejmu Krajowego Krolestwa Galicyi i Lodomeryi wraz z Wielkiem Ksi^stwem Krakowskiem: Posiedzenia, 1861 - 1914, 50 vols; Alegaty, 1865-1914, 90 vols; Protokofy, 1876-1914, 34 vols ([L’viv] 1861-1914). 59 Wladyslaw Koziebrodzki, Repertorjum czynnosci Galicyjskiego Sejmu krajowego, 2 vols [vol. I: 1861-1883; vol. II: 1883-1889] (L’viv: Wydzial Krajowy 1885-89); Stanislaw Miziewicz, Repertoryum czynnosci Galicyjskiego Sejmu krajowego, vol. Ill: 1889-1895 (L’viv: Wydzial Krajowy 1896). 60 Stenographische Berichte über die Sitzungen des galiz. Landtages [1863, 1865-67]. 61 Die gegenwärtige Lage der Ruthenen in Galizien in nationaler, politischer und okonomischer Beziehung, auf Grund parlamentarischer Enunciationen der ruthenischen Landtagsabgeordneten in den Jahren 1889—1892 (L’viv: Russkaja Rada 1892); levhen Olesnytskyi, Besida vyholoshena v halytskim soimi dnia 14. zhovtnia 1903 pry zahal'nii rozpravi nad zvitom shkil’not komisy't o slant serednykh shkil v rr. 1900! 1 i 1901/2 (L’viv: ‘Dilo’ 1903). 62 Sigmund Hahn, Reichsraths-Almanach: für die Session 1867 (Prague: Carl J. Satow 1867); für die Session 1873-1874 (Vienna: L. Rosner 1874);/«r die Session 1879-1880 (Vienna: Alfred Holder 1879); für die Session 1885-1886 (Vienna: Alfred Holder 1885); für die Session 1891 - 1892 (Vienna: Alfred Holder 1891); Fritz Freund, Das osterreichische Abgeordnetenhaus: ein biographisch-statistisches Handbuch, 2 vols: 1907-1913 Legislaturperiode and 1911-1917 Legislaturperiode (Vienna 1907-11). 63 Kost’ Levyts’kyi, Ukrai'ns’ki polityky: syl’vety nashykh davnikh posliv i politychnykh diiachiv, 2 vols (L’viv: ‘Dilo’ 1936-37); Sokhots’kyi’s biographies of seven politicans are in Istorychni postatiHalychyny XIX-XX st., NTSh, Biblioteka ukrainoznavstva, vol. VIII (New York, Paris, Sydney, and Toronto 1961), pp. 77-125; Stephen Volynets', Peredvisnyky i tvortsi lystopadovoho zryvu: zakhidn’o-ukratns’ki hromads'ki i politychni diiachi (Winnipeg: Tryzub 1965). See also the biography of levhen Petrushevych in Ivan O. Maksymchuk, Narys istorii rodu Petrushevychiv (Chicago 1967), pp. 155-170. The remaining literature on political problems reflects some of the challenges faced by Galician-Ukrainian politicians. Polish-Ukrainian relations were being commented on in essays by contemporaries and/or participants in the political process. On the Polish side, some writers like the pro-Austrian Cracow conservative intellectuals Jozef Szujski, Stanislaw Smolka, and Stanislaw Tarnowski stressed the need for compromise with Ukrainians and urged recognition of their demands;[405] others like Jozef Lokietek took the view that Ukrainians had already gained too much, and considering their eastward “Russophile” tendencies, they posed a serious threat to the well-being of “Polish” Galicia.[406] On the Ukrainian side, leaders like Stefan Kachala and Olek- sander Barvins’kyi favored the idea of compromise with the Poles;[407] others criticized the failure of any lasting cooperation with the Poles, the halfhearted attempts of the government at electoral reform, the continual electoral abuses, and the support given by Poles to local Russophiles during the first decade of the twentieth century in an attempt to weaken the growing Ukrainian movement.67 The Ukrainian efforts to divide the province from 1847 until the outbreak of World War I are surveyed in several pamphlets written by supporters of the idea,68 while the actual legal status of Ukrainians in Galicia is outlined in a solid description by Mykhailo Lozyns’kyi.69 The abortive Polish uprising of 1863 against Russia and its specific impact on Ukrainians in Galicia have also been the subject of study.70 More significant for Ukrainians was their increasing participation in Galician politics toward the end of the century, and the establishment during the 1890s of the Ukrainian Radical, the Ukrainian Social Democratic, the Ukrainian National Democratic, and the Russian National parties is described in several short essays.71 By the outset of the twentieth century, the Ukrainian 67 Julian Romanczuk, Die Ruthenen und ihre Gegner in Galizien (Vienna 1902); Michel Lozynsky, Noles sur les relations en Galicie pendant les 25 dernieres annees (1895-1919) (Paris: Bureau ukrainien 1919); Hromadna deputatsiia ruska (spravozdanie ruskoho komitetu deputatsiinoho) (L’viv: Vasyl’ Nahornyi 1896); L’onhyn Tsehel’skii, Shcho chuvaty z vyborchoiu reformoiu: proekt bar. Gavcha, shcho z nym di'ie sia ta shcho ruskym khlopam chynyty? (L’viv: Narodnyi Komitet 1906); Roman Sembratowycz, Polonia irredenta (Frankfurt-am-Main: Neuer Frankfurter Vlg. 1903); A. von Redlitz, Unter uns-ohne Maske: eine Antwort auf die Ruthenenfrage von den Ruthenen selbst gegeben, 2 vols (Vienna 1912). On Polish support for local Russophiles, see n. 193 below. 68 Mykhailo Lozyns’kyi, Utvorennie ukra'ins’koho koronnoho kraiu v Avstri'i (n.p. 1915), in German translation as Die Schaffung einer ukrainischen Provinz in Oesterreich (Berlin: C. Kroll 1915), an abridged version of this work is Ukra'ins'ka Halychyna-okremyi koronnyi krai (n.p.: Partita Ukr. Sotsiialistiv-Revoliutsioneriv 1915); Wladimir Singalewytsch von Schilling, Zur Frage der Sonderstellung Galiziens: ein Streifzug in das galizische Problem (Vienna: G. Rbttig u. Sohn 1917). See also the 1864 petition of Ukrainian leaders to the imperial government: Denkschrift in Betreff der Theilung Galiziens (L’viv 1865). 69 Mykhailo Lozyns’kyi, “Avtonomiia kraiv v avstriisk’kii konstytutsii,” in Studi'i z polia suspil'· nykh nauk i statystyky, vol. Ill, ed. V. Okhrymovych (L’viv: Statystychna komisiia NTSh 1912), 62 pp. 70 Fr. Rawita-Gawronski, Rok 1863 na Rusi, 2 vols (L’viv: H. Altenberg 1902-03), especially vol. I: Rus Czerwona i Wschdd; and Cyryl Studzihski [Studyns’kyi], “Powstaricy polscy z r. 1863 w redakcji ukrainskiej Mety,” Ziemia Czerwiehska, III, 1 (L’viv 1937), pp. 1-43. See also n. 194 below. 71 The Ukrainian Radical party has received the most attention in both Soviet and non-Soviet writings: M.M. Kravets’, “Do pytannia pro rus’ko-ukrains’ku radykal’nu partiiu u skhidnii Halychyny v 90-kh rokakh XIX st.,” in Z istori'i zakhidnoukra'ins’ kykh zemel’, vol. II (L’viv: AN URSR 1957), pp. 124- 140 and his “Robitnychyi rukh u Skhidnii Halychni naprykintsi XIX st. (1892-1900 roky),” inZ istori'izakhidnoukrai'ns'kykh zemel’, vol. IV, ed. I.P. Kryp”iakevych (Kiev: AN URSR 1960), pp. 40- 65; Ivan Makukh, Na narodnii sluzhbi (Detroit: Ukrains’ka vil’na hromada Ameryky 1958), especially pp. 56-192 and the introductory article by Matvii Stakhiv, “Ukrains’ka Radykal’na Partita pered pochatkom struggle against Polish domination had focused on the Galician Diet, and there are solid studies by Jozef Buszko on the electoral reform movement and by Mykhailo Lozyns’kyi and Volodymyr Okhrymovych on the results in Ukrainian territory of the first election (1907) based on universal suffrage.72 Not surprisingly, political violence attracted the attention of contemporary writers who discussed at length the assassination of the viceroy of Galicia, Count Andrzej Potocki (1861-1908), by a young Ukrainian student, Myroslav Si- chyns’kyi (1887-1980), in 1908. Contemporary Poles regarded this act as nothing less than murder;73 the Ukrainians saw Sichyns’kyi as a national hero who was forced by circumstances to defend the interests of his downtrodden people.74 Finally, this period witnessed important Galician contributions to modern Ukrainian political thought: luliian Bachyns’kyi’s pioneering call for an independent politychnoi diial’nosty d-ra Ivana Makukha," pp. 1-55; and John-Paul Himka, “Ukrains’kyi sotsiializm u Halychyni (do rozkolu v Radykal’nii partii 1899 r.),” Journal of Ukrainian Graduate Studies, no. 7 (Toronto 1979), pp. 33-51. On the background to the Ukrainian Socialist movement, see John-Paul Himka, Socialism in Galicia: The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860-1890) (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute 1983). On the Ukrainian Social Democratic party, see Matvii Stakhiv, Proty khvyl’ : istorychnyi rozvytok ukrai'ns'koho sotsiialistychnoho rukhu na zakhidnykh ukrai'ns'kykh zemliakh (L’viv: Soimovyi kliub USRP 1934); and n. 93 below. On the Ukrainian National Democratic party, see Stepan Baran, Nasha prohrama i organizatsiia: prohrama i organizatsiia ukrai'ns’koi natsional’ no-demokratychnoi (narodnoi) partii (L’viv: p.a. 1913); and the comparative analysis of its program with the Radical party in Zakhar Skvarko, Prohramy narodno-demokratychno'i i radykal’noi'partii (Kolomyia 1913). On the Russian National party, see S”iezd muzhei dovieriia russko-narodnoi partii i eia organizatsiia (L’viv: Obshchestvo ‘Russkaia Rada’ 1900). 72 Jozef Buszko, Sejmowa reforma wyborcza w Galicji, 1905-1914 (Warsaw: PWN 1956); M. Lozyns’kyi and V. Okhrymovych, “Z vyborchoi statystyky Halychyny,” in Studii z polia suspil’nykh nauk i statystyky, vol. II, ed. M. Hrushevs’kyi (L’viv: Statystychna komisiia NTSh 1910), pp. 75-104. For a description of the parliamentary elections of 1885 and the controversy between Old Ruthenian and populist candidates, see Bohdan A. Didytskii, lak y koho vybrala Halytskaia Rus’ do Dumy derzhavnoi dnia 2 chervnia 1885 h. (L’viv: Yzd. Obshchestva ym. M. Kachkovskoho 1885); on the Galician Diet before World War I, see Georges Bienaime, La Diète de Galicie: ses tendences autonomiques (Paris 1910). 73 Stanislaus Zielinski, Die Ermordung des Statthalters Grafen Andreas Potocki: Materialien zur Beurteilung des ukrainischen Terrorismus in Galizien (Vienna and Leipzig: C.W. Stern 1908). A more recent and well-documented account of Sichyns’kyi’s escape from prison and flight to the United States is in Aleksander Janta, “Ucieczka z wi?zienia,” Kultura, XX [231] (Paris 1967), pp. 173-205. 74 Mykhailo Lozyns’kyi, Akt 12 ts'vitnia 1908 roku (L’viv: p.a. 1908), 2nd rev. ed. (L’viv: p.a. 1909) ; laroslav Vesolovs’kyi and Mykhailo Lozyns’kyi, lak sudyly Myroslava Sichyns’koho (L’viv: Volodymyr Bachyns’kyi 1910). Ukrainian state and Mykhailo Hrushevs’kyi’s suggestion that, despite all its shortcomings, Ukrainian Galicia could serve as a piedmont for such a state.[408]