<<
>>

Population Losses, 1926-1939

Although the Soviet authorities introduced collectivization throughout the USSR, the famines of 1930-4 primarily struck Ukraine (especially its Kiev and Kharkiv oblasts) (see map 7), the northern Caucasus, the middle Volga region, and Kazakhstan, quickly surpassing the famine of 1921-2.172 As the Russian Empire’s and the Soviet Union’s long-term breadbasket, Ukraine suffered disproportionate population losses during the collectivization drive, implemented more rapidly and more violently in this republic than in any other Soviet region save Kazakhstan.173 The politically induced famine constituted one of the twentieth century’s greatest demographic catastro­phes among the people of Ukraine, producing an even greater impact than that of the First World War.

Famine took several million lives and helped undermine the numerical and proportional strength of the Ukrainians within the republic as well as within the USSR.

Serious estimates of the number of deaths in Ukraine in 1932 and 1933 vary from two million to seven million.174 The most skilful analyses, those by a joint team of French and Ukrainian demographers and those by Oleh Wolowyna and his Ukrainian colleagues, provide more precise fig­ures. The French-Ukrainian team estimated between four million and five million deaths, and the Wolowyna team 4.5 million for 1932 and 1933, representing approximately 15.3 per cent of the total population of the Ukrainian SSR.175

According to the most recent research conducted by Wolowyna and his colleagues, between 1932 and 1934 Ukraine lost 3.9 million people in di­rect losses (excess deaths) and 600,000 in indirect losses (lost births).176 The total losses in the rural areas equalled 19 per cent of the total 1933 rural population; the corresponding relative total losses in the urban areas ap­proximated 5 per cent of the total 1933 urban population.177 The largest number, 90 per cent of the total, died in 1933.178 Possibly 80 per cent of the four million or more Ukrainians who died during the Holodomor “did so in the compressed period of time between March and May 1933.”179 Between 1922 and 1941 more men, women, and children died in the coun­tryside than in the cities, and males suffered higher direct losses than fe­males, both in absolute and relative terms.180 Excess deaths for children under ten years of age comprised about 25 per cent of all deaths in 1933, both in urban and rural populations.181

In conjunction with these losses, changes in Soviet policies towards the non-Russians and the purges of the Soviet Ukrainian political and cultural elites in the 1930s reinforced and accelerated the mass shift from a Ukrainian identity to Soviet and Russian ones, especially in the rapidly expanding urban centres.

The Italian consul in Kharkiv, Sergio Gradenigo, predicted in a report to his government that the

current disaster will bring about a preponderantly Russian colonization of Ukraine. It will transform its ethnographic character. In a future time, perhaps very soon, one will no longer be able to speak of a Ukraine, or of a Ukrainian people, and thus not even of a Ukrainian problem, because Ukraine will be­come a de facto Russian region.182

Although Gradenigo’s prognosis did not unfold in this manner, Ukraine’s demographic catastrophe played a serious and indelible role in the making of Stalinist, post-Stalinist, and post-Soviet Ukraine, especially its political crises after 1991. The population of the Soviet Union expanded by fif­teen million between 1926 and 1937 (from 147 million to 162 million), but all Soviet republics or national groups did not grow at the same rate.183 The overwhelming majority of republics, including the RSFSR, enjoyed an up­surge. Others, such as Ukraine, garnered only a modest accrual from 29 million in 1926 to 30.1 million in 1937, an average annual increase of 100,000.184 Kazakhstan, however, experienced the most dramatic popula­tion loss, from 6.5 million in 1926 to 4.8 million eleven years later.185

Rapid collectivization, mass industrialization, the adoption of pro- Russocentric policies, the famines, and the purges upset the demographic balance between Ukrainians and Russians in the USSR (see table 6.2) and within the Ukrainian SSR. Between 1932 and 1933, the number of those who identified themselves as Ukrainians within the USSR declined by ap­proximately 20 to 30 per cent.186

Between 1926 and 1937, the population of the USSR shifted radically in favour of the Russians, who increased their proportion of the total Soviet population from 53 to 58 per cent, while the Ukrainians dropped from 21 to 16 per cent.187 In the RSFSR itself, the self-identified Ukrainian population declined from 7.9 million in 1926 to 3.1 million in 1937.188 (In 1937, 549,859 self-identified Ukrainians lived in Kazakhstan, which formed part of the RSFSR until 1936, when it became a full union republic.)189 The changes in the administrative borders within the Soviet Union and the dismantlement of all Ukrainization programs outside the Ukrainian SSR with the 14 December

Table 6.2 Number of Russians and Ukrainians within the USSR, 1926-1939

bgcolor=white>1937
Year Russians Per cent Russian Ukrainians Per cent Ukrainian Total Soviet population
1926 77.8 million 53.0 31.2 million 21.3 146.6 million
93.9 million 58.0 26.4 million 16.3 162.0 million
1939 99.6 million 58.3 28.1 million 16.2 170.6 million

Source: The statistics come from: (1926): Kommunisticheskaia Akademiia, Komissiia po izucheniiu natsional'nogo voprosa, Natsional’naia politika VKP(b) v tsifrakh (Moscow: Izd. Kommunisticheskoi Akademii, 1930), 36, 38; (1937): Akademiia nauk SSSR, Vseso- iuznaia perepis naseleniia 1937 g.

Kratkie itogi (Moscow: Institut istorii SSSR AN SSSR, 1991), 83; and Rossiiskii Gosudarstennyi arkhiv ekonomiki (RGAE), f. 1562, op. 329, d. 145, l. 8; and (1939): RGAE, f. 1562, op. 329, d. 4537, l. 62; in Vsesoiuznaia perepis’ naseleniia 1939 goda/Vsesoiuznai perepis’ naseleniia 1937 goda (Woodbridge, CT: Research Publications (Primary Source Media); Moscow: Federal Archival Service of Russia, 2000), reel 2; and Rossiiskaia Akademiia nauk and Upravlenie statistiki naseleniia Goskomstata, Vsesoiuznaia perepis’ naseleniia 1939 goda: Osnovnye itogi (Moscow: Nauka, 1992), 57

1932 Stalin-Molotov decree, may explain the “decline” of nearly half of the self-identified Ukrainian population in Russia from 1926 to 1937.

Although the overall number of residents of Soviet Ukraine increased in this period, its self-identified Ukrainian component shrank from 23.2 mil­lion in 1926 to 22.2 million in 1937, then advanced slightly from 1937 to 1939 (23.7 million), if the results of the 1939 census are to be believed. The Ukrainian percentage of the republic’s population ebbed away from 80 in 1926 to 78.2 in 1937 to 76.5 by 1939.190 Parallel to this trend, the rural com­munity plummeted from 23.6 million (in 1926) to 20.1 million (1937), while the population of the urban communities rose from 5.2 to 10 million.191 But the radical decrease in the number of those self-identified Ukrainians living in the countryside did not necessarily represent an exodus to the cities or assimilation into the Russian culture.

In contrast to the Ukrainians within the Ukrainian SSR, the republic’s Russian population increased not only in number, but also in percentage of the total population. The number of Russians surged from 2.7 million (1926) to 3.2 million (1937) to 4.1 million (1939), from 9 per cent of the re­public’s total population to 13.5 per cent.192 This represented nearly a 50 per cent increase. Although 100,000 fewer people identified themselves as Jews in 1937 than in 1926, they remained the third most populous national group in Ukraine, still constituting 5 per cent of the total population.

Ukraine’s Holodomor of 1932-3 caused this extreme demographic dis­tortion. Marriage and birth rates plunged dramatically and the mortality rate skyrocketed. The people of Ukraine, especially those in the country­side, suffered a monstrous number of excess deaths and lost births.

Kazakhstan also experienced a ruthless collectivization drive, which fo­cused on extensive grain and livestock procurements, not the forced settle­ment of the republic’s nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples. Famine broke out shortly after the Soviet authorities seized most of the Kazakh herds, in part “to replenish the stocks of Kazakhstan’s Russian and Ukrainian re­gions already devastated by collectivization.”193 Recognizing this state ef­fort as an act attacking their way of life, the nomads and pastoralists resisted passively and actively.194 Almost 1.5 million Kazakh men, women, and chil­dren died between 1930 and 1934 and hundreds of thousands fled the re­public.195 Between 33 and 38 per cent of the Kazakh population and 8 to 9 per cent of the Slavic/European population passed away.196 The propor­tion of Kazakhs within the USSR fell from 2.6 per cent of the total popula­tion in 1926 to 1.7 in 1937, mirroring the overall Ukrainian decline within the Soviet population.197 Although the Kazakhs lost fewer in absolute numbers than the Ukrainians during the famine, they experienced the deaths of a greater percentage of their total population.198 There were also several hundred thousand victims in the North Caucasus (including many Ukrainians living there) and, on a smaller scale, in the Volga region.199

<< | >>
Source: Liber G.O.. Total Wars and the Making of Modern Ukraine, 1914-1954. University of Toronto Press,2016. — 453 p.. 2016

More on the topic Population Losses, 1926-1939: