The Coming of the War

The threat of a European war had loomed on the political horizon ever since 1908. In 1912, 200 leading members of the National-Democratic, Radical, and Social-Democratic parties met in a conclave to discuss the international crisis caused by the Balkan War.

When the war came, in the summer of 1914, Galicia’s three leading Ukrainian parties formed a Supreme Ukrainian Council (Holovna Ukrainska Rada), electing as its president Kost Levytsky, the chairman of the National Democrats. On 3 August, the council issued a manifesto to the Ukrainian people.⁹⁸ The manifesto’s salient points read: “The Russian tsars have violated the Treaty of Pereiaslav [1654] by which they undertook the obligation to respect the independence of Ukraine.... For three hundred years the policy of the tsarist empire has been to rob sub­jugated Ukraine of her national soul, to make the Ukrainian people a part of the Russian people.... The victory of the Austro-Hungarian Monar­chy shall be our own victory. And the greater Russia’s defeat, the sooner will strike the hour of liberation for Ukraine.’’ The first practical step of the Council was to sponsor the creation of a legion, named “Ukrainian Sich Sharpshooters’’ (Ukrainski Sichovi Striltsi), which was to form a distinct unit within the Austrian Army and serve as the nucleus of a fu­ture Ukrainian national army.⁹⁹

The policy of the council was supported by a group of emigres from Dnieper Ukraine residing in Galicia.

It is important to realize that the attitude of the Galician Ukrainians and of the emigre Union was by no means shared by the spokesmen of the Ukrainian movement in Russia. They had never been “separatist,” and they believed that the future of the Ukrainian people was in a demo­cratic and federated Russia. An outstanding representative of the federal­ist tradition in Ukrainian political thought was Mykhailo Hrushevsky. Although a professor at the University of Lviv, he had retained his Rus­sian citizenship, and at the outbreak of hostilities he voluntarily returned to Russia.

In 1914 Galicia had been an Austrian province for 141 years. At the outbreak of the war only a few people guessed that this was the beginning of the end of an historical epoch.

Notes

1. S. Rudnyckyj, Ukraina: Land and Volk (Vienna 1916), 143-6.

2. On Galicia’s agrarian and peasant problems, until 1848: I. Franko, ¹¹Panshchyna ta ii Skasuvannia v 1848 r. v Halychyni” (1913), Tvory v dvadtsiaty tomakh (Kiev 1956), 19:560—661; L. von Mises, Die Entwicklung des gutsherrlichbauerlichen Verhaltnisses in Galizien (1722 — 1848), in Wiener Staatswissenschaftliche Studien (Vienna 1903), v. 4, pt. 2; M. P. Herasymenko, Ahrarni vidnosyny v Halychyni v period kryzy panslichynnoho hospodarstva (Kiev 1959); R. Rozdolski, Stosunki poddahcze w daw tiej Galicji, 2 vols. (Warsaw 1962).

3. Rozdolski, Stosunki poddahcze, 1:261.

4. Franko, Tvory, 19:585.

5. On ecclesiastical developments, particularly during the early decades of Austrian rule: J. Pelesz, Geschichte der Union der ruthenischen Kirche mit Rom, 2 vols. (Wurzburg and Vienna 1878-80), esp. v. 2; A. Korczok, Die griechischkatholische Kirche in Galizien (Leipzig 1921); E. Winter, Byzanz und Rom im Kampf um die Ukraine (Leipzig 1942); I. L. Nazarko, Kyivski ³ halytski mytropolyty, in Analecta Ordinis S. Basilii Magni, v. 13, series 2, sect. 1 (Rome 1962).

6. M. Stasiw, Metropolia Haliciensis: Eius historia et iuridica forma, in Analecta Or- dinis S. Basilii Magni, 2d ed., v. 12, series 2, sect. 1 (Rome 1960).

7. The text of Lev Sheptytsky’s secret memorandum is reprinted in W. Chotkowski, Historya polityczna kosciota w Galicyi za rzqdδw Maryi Teresy (Cracow 1909), 2:513-15.

8. Pelesz, Geschichte der Union, 2:875-82.

9. A first-hand account of the Shashkevych circle is found in the reminiscences of la. Holovatsky, ¹¹Perezhitoe ³ perestradannoe” (1881), in Pysmennyky Zakhidnoi Ukrainy 30-50-kh rokiv XlX st. (Kiev 1965), 229-85. From the extensive litera­ture on the Galician “Awakeners” the following works are of interest to a student of social thought: I. Zanevych (O. Terletsky), ¹¹Literaturni Stremlinnia halytskykh rusyniv vid 1772 do 1872,” Zhytie ³ slovo, vols. 1-4 (Lviv 1892-5); H. Iu. Her- bilsky, Rozvytok prohresyvnykh idei v Halychyni v pershii polovyni XlX st. (Lviv 1964); J. Kozik, Ukraihski ruch narodowy w Galicji w Iatach 1830-1848 (Cracow 1973); andM. Tershakovets, Halytsko-ruske Iiteraturne Vidrodzhenie (Lviv 1908).

10. Zanevych, ¹¹Literatumi Stremlinnia,” Zhytie ³ slovo 2 (1894):444.

11. Several important studies on Czech-Ukrainian relations in the nineteenth century are to be found in Z istorii chekhoslovatsko-ukrainskykh zviazkiv (Bratislava 1959). See also V. Hosticka, ¹¹Ukrajina v nazorech ceske obrozenecke Spolecnosti do roku 1848,” Slavia 33 (Prague 1964):558-78.

12. K. Havlicek Borovsky, Politicke spisy, ed. Z. Tobolka (Prague 1900), 1:59.

13. H. Rusyn (la. Holovatsky), ¹¹Zustande der Russinen in Galizien,” Slawische Jahrbucher 4 (Leipzig 1846):361-79.

14. S. Kieniewicz, Konspiracje galicyjskie (1831-1845) (Warsaw 1950); passages rele­vant to the question OfPolish-Ukrainian relations are on 103-4,155-61, 213-14.

15. M. Freiherr von Sala, Geschichte des polnischen Aufstandes vom Jahre 1846 (Vienna 1867), 98-102.

16. Ibid., 102.

17. The text of the petition, and of the manifesto of 10 May, mentioned below, is in K. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky halytskykh ukraintsiv 1848-1914 (Lviv 1926), 17 and 21-4. For accounts of Ukrainian participation in the 1848 Revolution, see S. Baran, Vesna narodiv v avstro-uhorskii Ukraini (Munich 1948); E. M. Kosachevs- kaia, Vostochnaia Galitsiia nakanune ³ v period revoliutsii 1848 g. (Lviv 1965); M. Bohachevsky-Chomiak, The Spring of a Nation: The Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia in 1848 (Philadelphia 1967); M. Danylak, Halytski, bukovynski, Zakarpatski ukrain- tsi v Uvoliutsii 1848-1849 rokiv (Bratislava 1972); and J. Kozik, Miςdzy reakcjq_ a rewolucjay Studia z dziejδw Ukraiiiskiego ruchu narodowego w Galicji w Iatach 1848-1849 (Warsaw and Cracow 1975).

18. F. Friedjung, Oesterreieh von 1848 bis 1860 (Stuttgart and Berlin 1908), 1:100.

19. R. A. Kann, The Multinational Empire: Nationalism and National Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1848-1918 (New York 1950), 2:62.

20. V. Zacek, “Pro zviazky chekhiv ³ zakhidnykh ukraintsiv u revoliutsiinykh 1848 ta 1849 rokakh,” Z istorii chekhoslovatsko-ukrainskykh zviazkiv, 343-69; V. Hosticka, Spoluprace Cechu a halicskych Ukrajincu v Ieteeh 1848-1849, in Roz- pravy Ceskoslovenske Akademie Ved: Rada Spolecenskych ved 75, no. 12 (1965).

21. For the text of the resolution, V. Zacek, ed., Slovansky sjezd v Praze roku 1848. Sbirka dokumentu (Prague 1958), 314-15. See also L. D. Orton, The Prague Slav Congress of 1848 (Boulder, Colo.

22. A. Springer, ed., Protokolle des Verfassungs-Ausschusses im Oesterreichischen Reichstage 1848-49 (Leipzig 1885), 31.

23. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 21.

24. Springer, Protokolle des Verfassungs-Ausschusses, 30—31.

25. Quoted from M. Tyrowicz, ed., Galicja od Pierwszego Rozbioru do Wiosny Ludow, 1772-1849 (Cracow 1956), 230-32; R. Rosdolsky, Die Bauernabgeordneten im konstituierenden Osterreichischen Reichstag 1848-1849 (Vienna 1976), 136-8.

26. However, a prominent member of the Rada, Hryhorii Shashkevych (no relation to the “Awakener, ” Markiian Shashevych), proposed to the Reichstag a bill to create in Galicia commissions of arbitration to adjudicate cases arising between the land­owners and the peasants. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 37; Rosdolsky, Die Bauernabgeordneten, 167-9. For agrarian problems in Galicia during the 1848-9 Revolution, see Klasova borotba selianstva Skhidnoi Halychyny (1772-1849). Dokumenty ³ materialy (Kiev 1974).

27. For details of the Palacky plan, see Springer, Protokolle des Verfassungs- Ausschusses, 26.

28. For details, R. Charmatz, Oesterreichs innere Geschichte von 1848 bis 1907 (Leip­zig 1909), 1:23. For a detailed discussion of the problems of Galicia’s partition, see I. Krevetsky, “Sprava podilu Halychyny v rr. 1846-1850,” Zapysky Naukovoho tovarystva im. Shevchenka, 93 (1910):54-69; 94 (1910):58-83; 95 (1910):54-82; 96 (1910):94-115; 97 (1910):104-54.

29. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 104.

30. For a full presentation of the intricacies of constitutional and legal arrangements, see K. Grzybowski, Galicja 1848-1914. Historia ustroju politycznego na tie historii ustroju Austrii (Cracow, Wroclaw and Warsaw 1959).

31. In 1861 there were forty-nine Ukrainian deputies to the Galician Diet. By 1867 their number had been cut to fourteen, out of a total membership of 144. From the Reichsrat elections of 1879 there emerged three Ukrainian deputies, as against fifty­seven Poles.

32. Rudnyckyj, Ukraina, 145. It is to be noted that the Polish minority in eastern Galicia had considerably increased in the course of the nineteenth century. In 1857 there were only 21.5 per cent Roman Catholics there. No precise data are available for the earlier period, but it is likely that the percentage of Poles was even smaller. “In Ruthenia there lived [in 1772] a small minority of Roman Catholic Poles; they were mostly noblemen and towndwellers, and here and there also unfree peasants,” A. J. Brawer, Galizien wie es an Oesterreich kanι: Eine Iiistorischstatistische Studie uber die Verhdltnisse des Landes im Jahre 1772 (Leipzig and Vienna 1910), 21. The in­crease of the Polish population was due to several causes: higher mortality among Ukrainians; colonization by Polish settlers from the western part of the province; continued assimilation. The sons of the German officials who had come to Galicia during the absolutist period usually became Poles. The same applied to the Armenians and some emancipated Jews. Ukrainian villagers, when they moved to towns, or rose to a higher social status, frequently became Polonized, and this pro­cess began to slow down only in the second half of the nineteenth century.

33. Bujak, Galicya (Lviv and Warsaw 1908), 1:72-3.

34. Ibid., 1:84.

35. K. Ostaszewski-Baranski, Wactaw Michal Zaleski (1799-1849). Zarys Mograficzny (Lviv 1912), 353.

36. Springer, Protokolle des Verfassungs-Ausschusses, 20.

37. Wiadomosci Polskie (Paris), 1858, no. 30, quoted from W. Kalinka, Dieta (Cracow 1894), 4, pt. 2:212.

38. S. Kaczala, Polityka Polakow wzglydem Rusi (Lviv 1879), 306.

39. M. Bobrzynski, Dzieje Polski w zarysie (Warsaw 1931), 3:296-7.

40. K. Dunin-Wqsowicz, Dzieje Stronnictwa Ludowego w Galicji (Warsaw 1956). E. Hornowa, Ukraihski obδz postςpowy ³ jego wspotpraca z polska_c Iewicp spolecz∏p w Galicji 1876—1895 (Wroclaw, Warsaw, and Cracow 1968).

41. S. von Smolka, Die reussische Welt: Historisch-politische Studien (Vienna 1916), 77-8 and 75-6.

42. I. Franko, “Nash pohliad na polske pytannia,’’ in Vybrani suspilno-politychni ³ ftIosofski tvory (Kiev 1956), 282.

43. For a general introduction to the problem: O. Terletsky, Moskvofily ³ narodovtsi v 70-kh rr. (Lviv 1902); M. Andrusiak, Narysy z istorii halytskoho moskovofilstva (Lviv 1935), and Geneza ³ kharakter halytskoho rusofilstva v XlX-XX st. (Prague 1941); and F. Svistun, Prikarpatskaia Rus’ pod vladeniem Avstrii (Trumbull, Conn., 1970; reprint in 1 volume of 2 volumes, Lviv 1896-7). On the initial stage of the controversy, see K. Studynsky, ed., Korespondentsiia Iakova Holovatskoho v Iitakh 1850—62, in Zbirnyk Filolohichnoi sektsii Naukovoho tovarystva im. Shevchenka 8-9 (Lviv 1905). A penetrating contemporary analysis is to be found in the articles of M. Drahomanov, collected MPoliticheskiia Sochineniia M. P. Dragomanova, ed. I. M. Grevs and B. A. Kistiakovsky (Moscow 1908).

44. B. Didytsky, Svoiezhytievyi zapysky (Lviv 1906), 1:10—14 and 64—5.

45. Ibid., 1:72-81.

46. Korczok, Die griechisch-katholische Kirche in Galizien, 121-36.

47. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 80-81.

48. M. Tanty, “Kontakty rosyjskich komitetow Slowianskich ze Slowianami z Austro- Wςgier," Kwartalnik Historyczny 71, no. 1 (1964):59-77. See also U. Picht, M. P. Pogodin und die Slavische Frage: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Panslavismus (Stuttgart 1969), 161-79.

49. H. Kohn, Pan-Slavism: Its History and Ideology (Notre Dame, Ind. 1953), 23.

50. Narod means both “people” and “nation” in Ukrainian. Thus narodovtsi may be rendered as either “populists” or “nationalists,” but the former is, probably, more accurate.

51. Terletsky, Moskvofily ³ narodovtsi, 24.

52. F. Chornohora (D. Taniachkevych), Pysmo narodovtsiv ruskykh do redaktora politychnoi chasopysi ‘ ‘Rus’ ’ ’ iakoprotest ³ memoriial (Vienna 1867), 3,5,6,15.

53. The best picture of the early stages of the populist movement is to be found in the reminiscences of O. Barvinsky, Spomyny z moho zhyttia. Obrazky z Momadianskoho ³ pysmenskoho rozvytku rusyniv, 2 vols. (Lviv 1912-13). See also S. M. Trushevych, Suspilno-politychnyi rukh è Skhidnii Halychyni v 50-70-kh rokakh XIX st. (Kiev 1978).

54. For a presentation of the organizational achievements of the Ukrainian movement up to the 1880s, see V. Hnatiuk, Natsionalne Vidrodzhennia avStrouhorskykh ukraintsiv (1772-1880 rr.) (Vienna 1916). On the history of the Prosvita association, see Storichchia materi ⁱⁱProsvity" (Winnipeg 1968).

55. For a contemporary account, see M. P. Drahomanov, “Protsess postydnyi vo vsekh otnosheniiakh” in Sobranie politicheskikh Sochinenii M. P. Dragomanova, ed. B. A. Kistiakovsky, 2 vols. (Paris 1905-6), 2:626-37.

56. On the beginnings of the Radical movement, see O. I. Dei, Ukrainska revoliutsiino- demokratychna Zhurnalistyka (Kiev 1959). On the 1878 anti-socialist trial, see V. I. Kalynovych, Politychni protsesy Ivana Franka ta ioho t ovary shiv (Lviv 1967).

57. K. N. Ustiianovych, M. F. Raevskii ³ rossiiskii panslavizm. Spomyny z perezhytoho ³ peredumanoho (Lviv 1884).

58. M. P. Drahomanov, “AVtobiohrafiia,” in Vybrani tvory, v. 1 (all published), (Prague 1937), 68.

59. “Vidpovid M. Drahomanova na iubileini pryvitannia,” Vybrani tvory, 89. Drahomanov devoted extensive memoirs to his early relations with Galicia: Av- Stroruski spomyny, 1867-77 (Lviv 1889-92), reprinted in M. Drahomanov, Literaturno-publitsystychni pratsi (Kiev 1970), 2:151-288. A bibliography of Drahomanov’s published correspondence with Galician personalities is to be found in I. L. Rudnytsky, ed., Mykhaylo Drahomanov: A Symposium and Selected Writ­ings, in Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S. 2, no. 1 (Spring 1952):131-40. See also Y. Bilinsky, “Drahomanov, Franko, and the Rela­tions between the Dnieper Ukraine and Galicia,” in Annals of the Ukrainian Acad­emy 8, nos. 1-2 (1959):1542-66.

60. G. Y. Shevelov, Die Ukrainische Schriftsprache 1798-1963 (Wiesbaden 1963).

61. Ie. Chykalenko, Spohady (1861 -1907), 2d ed. (New York 1955), 336.

62. Title borrowed from that of a chapter in Smolka, Die reussische Welt, 103-20.

63. I. Franko, Moloda Ukraina. Providni idei ³ epizody (Lviv 1910), 17.

64. W. Kutschabsky, Die Westukraine im Kampfe mit Polen und dem Bolschewismus in den Jahren 1918-1923 (Berlin 1934), 14-15.

65. M. Kukiel, Dzieje Polski porozbiorowej, 1795-1921 (London 1961), 412-15.

66. Culled from the articles of R. Dyminsky and S. Baran in Entsyklopediia ukraino- znavstva, (Munich and New York 1949 ff.), v. 1, pt. 1, 1037 and 1046-7; S. Kieniewicz, ed., Galicja w dobie autonomicznej (1850-1914) (Wroclaw 1952), see the editor’s introduction and the source materials in parts 5 through 8; W. Najdus, Szkice z historii Galicji (Warsaw 1958), 1:27-204; P. V. Sviezhynsky, Ahrarni vid- nosyny na Zakhidnii Ukraini v kintsi XIX—na pochatku XX st. (Lviv 1966).

67. For a penetrating contemporary analysis, I. Franko, “Bauernstreiks in Ostgalizien” (1902), Beitrdge zur Geschichte und Kultur der Ukraine: Ausgewdhlte deutsche Schriften des revolutiondren Demokraten, 1882-1915, ed. E. Winter and P. Kir­chner (Berlin 1963), 411-22. SeealsoNajdus, SzkicezhistoriiGalicji, 1:263-82.

68. V. Kubiiovych et al., Heohrafiia Ukrainskykh ³ sumezhnykh zemel, 2d ed. (Cracow and Lviv 1943), 301; Iu. Bachynsky, Ukrainskaemigratsiia (Lviv 1914), 1:81-97.

69. Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, v. 1, pt. 1, 149.

70. The “parcelling” procedures are vividly described in the memoirs of T. Voinarovsky, “Spohady z moho zhyttia,” Istorychni postati Halychyny XlX-XX st. (New York and Paris 1961). The Reverend Voinarovsky was an eminent agrarian reformer and a close advisor to Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytsky.

71. For a detailed survey, see 1. Vytanovych, Istoriia Iikrainskoho kooperatyvnoho

rukhu (New York 1964), 134-67.

72. Smolka, Die reussische Welt, 134.

73. A. L. Pogodin, Slavianskii mir. Politicheskoe ³ ekonomicheskoe polozhenie slavians- kikh narodov pered voinoi 1914 goda (Moscow 1915), 185.

74. Franko, Beitrage, 434.

75. On Franko, see M. Vozniak, Veleten dumky ³ pratsi (Kiev 1958). See also the collec­tion of reminiscences, Ivan Franko è spohadakh Suchasnykiv (Lviv 1956). On Hrushevsky, see the biographical sketch by B. Krupnytsky included as an introduc­tion to the first volume of M. Hrushevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy (New York 1954), ki-xxx.

76. D. Doroshenko, A Survey of Ukrainian Historiography, in Annals of the Ukrainian Academy in the U.S. 5-6, no. 4 (1957):262. For the history of the Schevchenko Scientific Society, see Istoriia Naukovoho tovarystva im. Shevchenka (New York and Munich 1949), and V. Doroshenko, Ohnyshche ukrainskoi ïàéêó. Naukove tovarystvo im. Shevchenka (New York and Philadelphia 1951).

Tl. C. Korolevskij, Metropolite Andre Szeptyckyj, 1865-1944, in Opera Theologicae Societatis Scientificae Ucrainorum (Rome 1964), vols. 16-17. This extensive biography, devoted primarily to Sheptytsky’s pastoral and ecumenical work, ought to be supplemented by two essays which deal with his public activity and influence on the life of the Ukrainian community: S. Baran, Mytropolyt Andrei Sheptytskyi. Zhyttia ³ diialnist (Munich 1947) and V. Doroshenko, Velykyi mytropolyt (Yorkton 1958).

78. The background of the New Era, especially the extent of the involvement of the Austrian government, has never been fully explored. For the role played by the Kievan Ukrainians, see D. Doroshenko, Volodymyr Antonovych. Ioho zhyttia ³ naukova ta hromadska diialnist (Prague 1942), 78-84. For developments in Galicia itself, see Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 235-75. Important information is also found in Ie. Olesnytsky, Storinky z moho zhyttia, 2 vols. (Lviv 1935), 1:221-43.

79. For a picturesque description of the electoral malpractices in a Galician provincial town during the 1895 elections, see Olesnytsky, Storinky z moho zhyttia, 2:96-115.

80. Materials on the history of the Radical party are found in the memoirs of I. Makukh, Na narodnii sluzhbi (Detroit 1958).

81. On the history of the National-Democratic Party, besides the basic work of K. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky halytskykh ukraintsiv 1848-1914 (Lviv 1926), see two books of biographical sketches: K. Levytsky, Ukrainski polityky. Sylvety nashykh davnikh posliv ³ politychnykh diiachiv (Lviv 1936—7), 2 vols.; I. So- khotsky, “Budivnychi novitnoi ukrainskoi derzhavnosty v Halychyni,” In Istor- ychni postati Halychyny XlX-XX st. (New York and Paris 1961). The last book also contains the memoirs of Tyt Voinarovsky, cited above. On the programs of the Na­tional Democrats and Radicals, see W. Feldman, Stronnictwa ³ programy polityczne w Galicyi 1846-1906 (Cracow 1907), 2:317-62; S. Baran, Nasha prohrama ³ orga- nizatsiia. Prohrama ³ Organizatsiia Ukrainskoi natsionalno-demokratychnoi (narod- noi) partii (Lviv 1913); and Z. Skvarko, Prohramy Narodno-demokratychnoi ³ Radykalnoi partii (Kolomyia 1913).

82. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 327.

83. V. Levynsky, Narys rozvytku ukrainskoho robitnychoho rukhu v Halychyni (Kiev 1914).

84. The stories of Les Martovych (1871-1916) are particularly illuminating. See L. Martovych, Tvory, ed. Iu. Hamorak, 3 vols. (Cracow and Lviv 1943).

85. Kann, The Multinational Empire, 2:223.

86. Viceroy BobrzynskPs memoirs provide rich information: M. Bobrzyhski, Z moich pamiζtnikδw (Wroclaw and Cracow 1957). Cf. the monographic study by J. Buszko, Sejmowa reforma wyborcza w Galicji 1905-1914 (Warsaw 1956). A contemporary essay full of brilliant insight is L. Kulczycki, Ugoda polsko-ruska (Lviv 1912).

87. K. Srokowski, N. K. N. Zarys historji Naczelnego Komitetu Narodowego (Cracow 1923), 19-21.

88. A. Figol, “Lvivskyi derzhavnyi Universytet im. I. Franka,” Entsyklopediia ukraino- Znavstva, v. 2, pt. 4, 1420-21; V. Mudry, Borotba za ohnyshche ukrainskoi kul- tury na zakhidnykh zemliakh Ukrainy (Lviv 1923). On the negotiations in connection with the university problem, see Bobrzynski, Z moich pamiQnikδw, 302-17; and A. Sirka, The Nationality Question in Austrian Education: The Case of Ukrainians in Galicia 1867-1914 (Frankfurt am Main, Bern, and Cirencester 1980), 136-55.

89. Srokowski, N.K.N., 12-13.

90. For a description of the Russophile propaganda in the pre-war years, see L. Wasilewski, Die Ostprovinzen des alten Polenreiches (Cracow 1916), 263-5.

91. Kulczycki, Ugoda polsko-ruska, 47 and 51.

92. For the 1913 “principles of compromise” see Buszko, Sejmowa reforma wyborcza, 226-8.

93. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 685-91; Buszko, Sejmowa reforma wyborcza, 262-5.

94. In 1911-12 there were in Galicia seventy Polish and eight Ukrainian Gymnasiums for boys, twenty Polish and one Ukrainian Gymnasium for girls, fourteen Polish and no Ukrainian secondary technical schools (Realschule). Hugelmann, Das Nationali- tatenrecht des alten Oesterreichs, 709; Sirka, The Nationality Question in Austrian Education, 110-35.

95. Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 686 and 693.

96. Bujak, Galicya, 1:94.

97. Extensive excerpts from the declaration are to be found in Bobrzynski, Z moich pamiςtnikδw, 296.

98. For the full text, Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 720-22.

99. On the paramilitary movement in Galicia and the origins of the Ukrainian Sich Sharpshooters, see S. Ripetsky, Ukrainske sichove Striletstvo. Vyzvolna ideia ³ zbroinyi chyn (New York 1956), 17-76.

100. D. Doroshenko, Istoriia Ukrainy 1917-1923 rr. (Uzhhorod 1930), 1:30-32.