The Empire Strikes Back

The main Imperial army was in Asia (today s Middle East) and the new EmperorJohn Tzimiskes decided to negotiate with Sviatoslav, offering to pay the amount of gold he was promised from Nikephoros, for attacking Bulgaria.

I see no urgent need for the emperor of the Romans to come to us. Therefore let him not tire himself out by coming to this land; for we will soon pitch our tents before the gates of Constantino­ple, will surround this (city) with a mighty palisade, and will meet him bravely when he sallies forth, if he should dare to un­dertake such a great struggle. We will teach him with very deeds that we are not mere manual laborers who live by the work of our hands, but Floodthirstywarriors who fight our foes with weapons, although the emperor believes in ignorance that Rus soldiers are like pampered women, and tries to frighten us with these threats, as if we were suckling infants to be frightened by hobgoblins.⁴⁷

Anticipating the enemy’s advance Tzimiskes began to gather troops for the defense of the capital, especially the iron­clad heavy cavalry or the “kataphraktoi” dubbed by him as “the immortals.” Apparently of his own creation and with Sviatoslav’s lack of a striking cavalry force, the armored Cavalrywould play a key role in the fighting to come.

In 970 with the arrival of spring Sviatoslav continued his advance, sending a part of the army with Bulgarian and “Hun” (Magyar) allies against Bardas Skleros. The two forces met SomewherenearArkadiopolis (today’s Luleburgas) near Adri­anople and we have two brief but somewhat inconsistent ac­counts of the battle, by the ChroniclersJohn Skylitzes and Leo the Deacon. Writing at the turn of the Ilth century Skylitzes begins his account by describing Bardas Skleros’ men besieged behind fortified walls, presumably in Arkadiopolis:

... he (Bardas Skleros) decided to overcome the enemy with stratagems and to operate against such great numbers methodi­cally and resourcefully.... He closed himself up inside the walls with his army and paid no heed to the frequent challenges from the enemy to come out and decide the whole issue in one battle. Insteadhewaited... Watchingtoseehowhisantagonists... con­ducted themselves. This decision produced great contempt in the barbarians. Because they believed that.... Skleros (was) in the grip of terror... they wandered about without fear, camped negligently and disregarded proper security, spending their nights with excessive drinking, the music of flutes and cymbals and savage dancing, without attending to any necessities.

Having lulled the “Scythians” (Rusians) into a false sense of SecurityBardas Skleros took his men out at night and placed them in ambush in the thickets outside of the walls in key lo­cations. A small cavalry force led by John Alakaseus (a name of Pecheneg origin) was sent to report back on the enemy’s position and to lure the first units they encountered into an am­bush.

The barbarians were divided into three groups. The Bulgars and Rusians made up the first body, while the Turks (Magyars) were isolated on their own, as were the Patzinaks (Pechenegs)... and exactly as he had been instructed, pretended to flee while making an unhurried retreat. The Patzinaks broke ranks and pressed on with their attack... (but John Alakaseus’) men, however, first fleeing in order, then wheeling about to defend themselves has­tened on towards the places of ambush. When they came among these they gave full reign to their horses and fled without re­straint, and the dispersed Patzinaks gave chase in no order.

The fleeing men led the Pecheneg cavalry straight into the waiting Imperial army, which began to close in on the pursuers. The Pechenegs “did not seek recourse to flight [but waited] to receive an attack. When with a violent rush the men with the magistros (Bardas Skleros) closed with them as the rest of his force followed up behind in proper array and battle order.” Drawn deeper into the encircling ambush the Pecheneg cavalry was destroyed and only a few managed to escape. Following the ambush

[t]hey (the barbarians) nevertheless collected themselves and rallied the men scattered in flight and attacked the Romans, the horsemen forging ahead and the foot soldiers coming up behind. When at (the) first assault the horsemen were stopped... they withdrew and streamed back towards the foot soldiers... and awaited the onrushing Romans. For a time the issue of battle re­mained in doubt until one of the Scyths (Rusian) vaunting his great size and courage emerged from the rest and bore down on the magistros (Bardas Skleros) himself... and Struckhim on the helmet with his sword. The sword glanced off and the blow was without effect. The magistros in turn struck him on the helmet with his sword. With the weight of his hand and the temper of the iron the blow was so mighty that the Scythian was cloven wholly in two.⁴⁸

To show that this was no accident the “Scyth’s” companion (his “drugh”) who accompanied the giant was also brought down by Skleros’ brother Constantine, who missed the rider and Struckhis horse s neck severing the animals head.

Leo the Deacon, however, begins his account of the battle WithJohnAlakas (Alakaseus?) being sent to reconnoiter enemy positions, but no mention is made of Pechenegs or the fact that Skleros’ army was secured behind defensive walls of the city.

Taking the picked men who were following him, John rode off quickly toward the Scythians (Rusians),- and the next day he sent to the magistros (Bardas Skleros), urging him to come with the army, for the Scythians were encamped not far away but nearby. When he heard this message, he deployed the army in three sec­tions, ordering one to follow him in the van, the other to lie in wait in the thickets on either side. Theywere to sally forth from the place of ambush when they heard the trumpet sound the call to battle.⁴⁹

In Skylitzes ’ account it is the barbarian army which is di­vided into three groups. Actually comparing the two accounts, there is little in common between them—even less when it comes to the main battle, a scanty account of which is given by Skylitzes. As the two sides clashed a mounted Rusian champion of great size charged Bardas Skleros, sword in hand, and struck him on the head. The blow was deflected by the helmet but the Romanian commander must have been knocked down from his horse since he was only saved by his young brother Con­stantine, also a large and strong young man who rode up to attack the Rusian. Unable to deliver a blow to the rider Con­stantine struck at the horse s head, severing it and sending the Rusian to the ground, who was then killed by Constantine. The main battle continued indecisively with the advantage going first to one side and then to the other. As the tide of battle was shifting to the Rusians and their allies, Bardas ordered the drums to roll signaling the third group to emerge from hiding and to attack.

Other factual descriptions also don’t ring true. Firstly, the Pechenegs were masters of the ambush themselves and it is un­likely they would have fallen for the Romanian deception no matter how hard Skylitzes tries to convince us. Also the notion of a blow on Skleros’ helmet from a Rusian champion of “great size” not having any effect is very doubtful since even if the magistros’ helmet was not penetrated the force would have knocked him senseless to the ground. Furthermore, that the large “Scythian” was “cloven wholly in two,” including helmet, leather clothing and armor, would be a near impossibility. And finally, the two chroniclers don’t seem to agree on the date of the battle, implying their knowledge was gleaned from second­hand sources.

Interestingly, the Kyiv Primary Chronicle also has an ac­count of a battle which took place about this time with the Im­perial “Greek” forces, but the sizes of the two forces are exag­gerated in the opposite direction and Sviatoslav emerges the victor. After proposing to pay Sviatoslav tribute, they (“the Greeks”) asked the Rusians to notify them how many men he had so they would know how much to pay per head.

The Greeks made this proposition to deceive the Rusichi, for the Greeks are crafty even to this present day. Sviatoslav replied that his force numbered twenty thousand, adding ten thousand to the actual number, for there were really but ten thousand Rusichi. So the Greeks armed one hundred thousand men to attack Svi­atoslav, and paid no tribute. Sviatoslav advanced against the Greeks, who came out to meet the Rusichi. When the Rusichi perceived their approach, they were terrified at the multitude of the Greek soldiery, and Sviatoslav declared, “now we have no place whither we may flee. Whether we will or no, we must give battle. Let us not disgrace Rus, but rather sacrifice our lives lest we be dishonored. For if we flee, we shall be disgraced. We must not take to flight, but we will resist boldly, and I will march be­fore you. If my head falls, then look to yourselves.” Then his war­riors replied, “wherever your head falls, there too we will lay down our own.” So the Rusichi went into battle and the carnage was great. Sviatoslav came out victor, but the Greeks fled. Then

Sviatoslav advanced toward the capital, fighting as he went, and destroyed towns that stand deserted even to the present time.⁵¹

If the battle OfArkadiopolis was a great victory for the Im­perial army and a great defeat for Rus then it is surprising that Bardas Skleros did not follow through with the advantage and pursue the enemy, as most certainly he would have been done in practice. It is also not clear why, with the defeat of the enemy, Emperor Tzymiskes began to bring more troops from Asia to Thrace and Makedonia until he could “attack the Tauroscyth- ians (Rusians) with all his forces.”⁵² Either the battle of Arka- diopolis was a minor encounter which failed to clear the area of Sviatoslav’s men, or if a full-fledged battle did take place it did not go well for the Imperial army.

The Rusians and their allies also did not seem to have fared too well, for they retreated from Adrianopolis and continued to devastate Macedonia and Thrace. Then news arrived from Asia Minor that Bardas Phocas, the nephew of the assassinated Emperor Nikephoros, had risen in revolt against Tzimiskes, and Bardas Skleros was dispatched to deal with the situation. Em­peror Tzimiskes himself remained in Constantinople with his elite mounted bodyguard to solidify his rule, by handing out public largesse and organizing games in the Hippodrome. The occasion was also his marriage to Emperor Constantine Por- phyrogenitus’ daughter, who although “not exceptionally dis­tinguished for her beauty and physical grace, nevertheless sur­passed all other women in prudence and in every kind of virtue.” The revolt soon fizzled out, and in 971 Bardas Skleros returned to winter quarters in Europe where the men began to be drilled daily in maneuvers and mock battles. The Imperial forces were basically the same as those which emerged from Heraclius’ re­forms some two centuries ago. They consisted of two main groups, the “themata” or provincial call-up troops, and the “tag- mata” or the professional army stationed around Constanti­nople. The number of themes had been increased but they were reduced in size, particularly along the eastern frontier where they were largely manned by Armenians. Military service in the “themata” was hereditary since a family’s land was held condi­tionally on being enrolled in the military register or the “stra- teia.” An army consisted of either “tagmata” or “themata” troops, or both, and was under the command of the “domestikos of the schools.” Although the “thematas” were locally raised, the pro­fessional “tagmata” units included mercenaries from Armenia, Syria, Scandinavia, Rus, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Arabs.

The most prestigious units were the cavalry, particularly the heavy Cavalryknown as the “kataphraktoi.” The Cavalryhad been Iargelymodeled on the Sarmatians, and in the IOth century consisted of three main types. The light cavalry composed of scouts and skirmishers was equipped with bows, javelins and swords and their job was to go ahead of the main body of men to reconnoiter, harass and otherwise to unnerve the enemy. Most of the Imperial cavalry, however, was of the medium or regular type, equipped with light armor and divided into archers and lancers, and carrying swords and maces. Bythe second half of the IOth century the striking core of the cavalry were the “kataphraktoi” lancers, with both rider and horse covered in heavy armor and carrying large iron maces and heavy swords. These were the predecessors of the medieval armored knights, and due to the heavy armor were virtually unstoppable. Taken together the cavalry made up about a third of a 10th-century Imperial Roman army, the remainder consisting of infantry which was the main fighting part. The basic infantry unit was a squad of 10 men under the command of a “dekarches.” They were formed Similarlyto the Slavic custom on the basis of kin­ship or friendship and shared the same tent and cooking utensils. The squads were grouped into a “bandon” of 50 and then 100 men to make up a “taxiarchy” of 1000 led by the “tax­iarch.” A taxiarchy usually consisted of 400 heavy infantry armed with spears and protected by shields and leather armor, 300 archers, 200 light infantry with javelins and slings, and 100 “menavlatoi.” The latter were the stronger and braver men, equipped with thick heavy spears whose job was to go ahead of the taxiarch to meet and hopefully break up an enemy cavalry charge.

Two main innovations were also introduced in the first half of the IOth century, one for the infantry and the other for the cavalry. A defensive formation was developed, a hollow square formed by 12 taxiarchs 3 per side, with the baggage trains and reserve horses placed in the middle. Intervals or gaps could also be formed between the taxiarchs to allow worn out or de­feated cavalryto enter and fresh units to sortie out. The second innovation was to add a third line of cavalry, with the middle of the first line composed of the heavy “kataphraktoi.” The iron­clad cavalrywas also placed ahead of the left and right wings of the first line, to charge at an approaching enemy in a blunt wedge-like formation. They would be followed by the lighter mounted lancers and archers firing over their heads into the enemy ranks.⁵³ Unlike Sviatoslav^,s men who slept under the stars, the Imperial army followed traditional Roman practice by encamping at night and setting up tents. A camp would be divided into four equal areas each under its own command, with the overall commander s tent and standard placed in the middle. Mobilitywas important, and given good roads and fa­vorable terrain the infantry could march up to 30 miles on a good day. The cavalry could cover greater distances—40-50 miles per day—provided the horses were well fed and watered. In columns of three or five abreast a marching Romanian army was vulnerable, and scouts were deployed to give warning of any enemy forces nearby.

With the wedding festivities over and the revolt in Asia subdued Tzimiskes turned his full attention to the threat posed by Sviatoslav. It would take almost his entire armed forces to deal with the enemy who still occupied most of Bulgaria. Waiting until the spring of 971 Tzimiskes raised the standard of the cross and prepared to march against the pagan Rus. Sup­plies of weapons and provisions had already been sent inland to Adrianople along the Hebros River to supplement the army, which would reach a force of some 40,000 strong. As the Im­perial army moved north Tzimiskes realized the Rusians were not expecting a large-scale attack and had left the narrow and treacherous mountain passes open. Perhaps they thought an attack would not occur during the April Easter festivities or, as is more likely the case, they were not aware of Tzimiskes^, buildup. In any case the mountain passes were left not only un­fortified but completely unmanned and unguarded allowing the Imperial army free passage. The lack Ofpreparedness on the part of the Rusians was also remarked by Skylitzes: “they... camped negligently and disregarded proper security.” The im­perial commanders were reluctant to take advantage of the ap­parently unguarded passes, recalling the terrible massacres which they had suffered at the hands of the Bulgarians. Seeing his opportunity Tzimiskes finally convinced his reluctant com­manders that their only chance lay in the element of surprise: they were to slip through the mountain passes and with quick marches advance on the Bulgarian capital Preslav, which was manned by only a part of the Rusian army. Surrounded by his ironclad “immortals” and followed by 15,000 of his best heavy­armed infantry and 13,000 cavalry Tzymiskes led the advance units by forced marches through the narrow passes. Once through, and the entrances secured, they were followed by the rest of the army with the equipment and siege machinery.⁵⁴

The entire Imperial army continued to advance north without the enemy being aware of their presence, with an ad­vance force of28,000 men arriving at Preslav a few days before the Easter of 971. Roused at the crack of dawn, the Imperial troops formed into formations seven deep and began to advance on the city. Leo the Deacon has left us a vivid account of the advance.

As soon as full light dawned, he (Tzimiskes) roused the solders and deployed them into deep formations, and advanced on Preslav, ordering the trumpets to sound the call to battle fre­quently, and the cymbals to clash and the drums to roll. And thus an indescribable clamor burst forth, as the mountains there echoed the drums, and the weapons clanked in response, and the horses whinnied, and the men shouted and encouraged each other for the battle, as was fitting.

The defenders were caught by surprise and off guard but they quickly rallied and proceeded to attack the advancing enemy.

... they quickly seized their weapons and shouldered their shields (these were very strong, and made so that they reached to their feet, for greater protection) and drew up into a strong close formation and advanced against the Romans on the plain before the town (which is suitable for cavalry), roaring like wild beasts and uttering strange and weird howls.⁵⁵

The two sides clashed and the fighting went on for the whole day but the massed Romanian infantry was unable to break the Rusian ranks. The Cavalryhad not yet played a major role, and seeing he was not making much headway Tzymiskes released his ironclad “immortals” against the Rusian left wing. With their long heavy spears in front of them and virtually im­mune against enemy archers, the charge of the heavy “kat- aphraktoi” pierced the Rusian left flank and to prevent encir­clement their commanders ordered a retreat to the protective walls of the city as described by Leo the Deacon: “Since the Scythians (Rusians) were on foot (for they are not accustomed to fight from horseback, since they are not trained for this) they were not able to withstand the spears of the Romans, but turned to flight and shut themselves up within the walls of the town.”⁵⁶

The lack of heavy cavalry was proving to be the Rusian Achilles Heel. As night fell the battlefield became silent, with the defenders awaiting the morning onslaught. By now the siege machines had come up with the rest of the Imperial army, but Preslavwas not surrounded by heavy defenses. Also, seeing the enemy’s weak numerical strength Tzimiskes decided to storm the city and take it by a quick frontal assault. In the morning of April 13 the trumpets sounded and units of close unbroken for­mations of the Imperial army proceeded to launch a massive attack on the city. Encouraged by Emperor Tzimiskes and cov­ered from below by a hail of arrows, javelins, and stone-throwing catapults the Romanians began to scale the walls, stubbornly resisted by the defenders and led by Sviatoslav’s mentor and second-in-command, Sveinald.⁵⁷ The walls were thinly de­fended, and led by one Theodosios Mesonyktes from Anatolia, the Romanians succeeded in scaling the battlements and open­ing a breach in the defenses. Driven from the battlements as the Imperial infantry began to pour into the city the defenders retreated to the walled inner palace of the Bulgarian Tsars. The rest of the attacking force, which had remained outside of the city walls, also began to enter through the dismantled gates and proceeded to attack the palace while others spread throughout the city, looting and killing any Bulgarian suspected of siding with the enemy. Realizing they were outnumbered and not strong enough to hold the palace, Sveinald ordered a gate be opened to lure the enemy inside the compound. As the Roma­nians rushed through the opened gate they were met by the de­fenders and cut down to a man. Suffering heavy casualties and unable to take the compound, Tzimiskes ordered a halt to the assault, and his men began to set the palace on fire with flaming arrows. As the palace burst into flames the Rusians and their Bulgarian allies emerged from the burning structure forming battle lines to meet the enemy. Surrounded by Bardas Skleros’ “unit of most valiant men... the Rus force fought bravely, not turning their backs to the enemy.”⁵⁸ Unable to subdue the de­fenders, Bardas Skleros ordered his archers to shoot them down. A group led by Sveinald, and probably no more than a few hun­dred men, successfully fought their way out of the compound and joined Sviatoslav s main army at Dorostolon. Preslav fell on Good Friday, April 14, 971, and the Imperial army settled down for a brief rest and to celebrate Easter. As an act of mercy Tzimiskes released some of the prisoners, and instructed them to go tell Sviatoslav that if he did not depart from Bulgaria he would be attacked by the entire Imperial army. Also Tzimiskes recognized Boris as Tsar with himself as the protector of Bul­garia.

With the usual disdain, Sviatoslav announced his intention to fight “the Greeks” at Dorostolon and on the Danube River. A fleet of “dromones” warships with Greek fire had already been sent into the Danube to block the Rusian fleet from leaving, and Tzimiskes began to make his way north capturing the old Bulgarian capital Pliska and other towns along the way. In the meantime Sviatoslav strengthened the city’s defenses and waited for the arrival of the Romanian army. On hearing their Tsar was restored most of the Bulgarians deserted his ranks and the men of Rus were left alone to face the powerful Imperial forces.⁵⁹ They didn’t have long to wait. InJuly of 971, word came from scouts that the Imperial army was approaching Dorostolon and local skirmishes began almost at once as Sviatoslav’s forces sortied from behind the walls to meet the enemy. “And while the Emperorwas approaching them at a deliberate pace, certain bold souls, spurred on by reckless courage, separated off from the Rus army, set up an ambush and then attacked some of the (Imperial) advance scouts... and killed them.”⁶⁰

We know Tzimiskes’ battle plan as he approached the Ru- sian front ranks. The archers were stationed behind the infantry to maintain a steady stream of arrows on the enemy while the ironclad Immortals, together with the light cavalry, were placed on both wings. Their job was to protect the infantry’s and the archers’ flanks, to prevent encirclement, to sally forth in a charge when given the order. The Rusians closed ranks and protected by their long shields, and spears in hand they broke into the usual assault. We can imagine the wild Rusian ranks with great shields lifted, weapons in hand, charging the calm disciplined Imperial infantry.

As the two lines of infantry met fierce fighting broke out, developing into savage hand-to-hand combat as the conflict continued for the whole day, with neither side gaining the upper hand. The Rusian infantry was unable to make much headway against the heavily armed Romanian infantry while the latter could not penetrate the Rusian ranks. The (first) battle of Dorostolon became an extremely hard fought contest and re­portedly went back and forth twelve times:

... during the first assault, the contest was equal on both sides for awhile. For the Rusians fought furiously, considering it a terrible and shocking thing, if, when they had the reputation with neigh­boring peoples of always prevailing over their enemies in battle, they were now to be shamefully defeated by the Romans and lose this (reputation). The Romans, on the other hand, were overcome by shame and anger, lest they, who prevailed over every enemy by force of arms and their own valor, should now have to with­draw, as if inexperienced in battle, overwhelmed by a people who fought on foot, and knew nothing of riding on horseback, and lest their great glory should vanish in a moment. So the soldiers fought valiantly, nourishing in their hearts such concerns for their repu­tation. The Rusians, who were directed by their habitual ferocity and passion, attacked the Romans with a charge, bellowing as if possessed, but the Romans rushed to meet them with discipline and practical skill; and many men fell on both sides.⁶¹

By late afternoon victory was still in the balance and as the sun was setting Emperor Tzimiskes decided to use his trump card, the ironclad cavalry which had won him the battle of Preslav. Charging in force they struck the Rusian lines which unable to stop the heavy cavalry began to break and retreat to­wards the city walls. Without a heavy cavalry to counteract the Immortals Sviatoslav s infantry would be unable to carry the day, no matter how hard the men fought.

The siege of Dorostolon was underway and would last for the next four months. Heavy siege equipment was brought into play but did not have much effect against the five-foot thick walls. Frontal assaults Continuedwith archers and catapults pro­viding covering fire for the infantry as they attempted to scale the walls, only to be met by a hail of arrows and other projectiles released by the Rusians manning the battlements. The Roman­ian siege machinery was nevertheless taking a toll on the de­fenders, many of whom were struck by the flying projectiles. It was decided to destroy the siege machinery, and a raiding party was sent out for the task. The “magistros” John Kourkouas who was guarding the equipment was caught by surprise by the Ru- sian task force, and the catapults were completely destroyed.⁶² John Kourkouas himself was killed, his head impaled on a spear and brought back to the city, to be displayed on the walls of a tower. Leo the Deacon claims this was done because due to his rich armor the Rusians thought they had killed the Emperor himself. The defenders, however, were beginning to find them­selves in dire straits and were running low on food and man­power. We know from John Skylitzes that when Tzimiskes^, men were clearing the fields and removing clothes and armor from the Rusian dead they found women among them.⁶³ Leo the Deacon explains the inability of the Rusians to defeat the Im­perial army by a continual (and Certainlyfictional) citing of Rus leaders and champions who were killed in dual combat, and thus destroying the Rusian morale to fight. The real reason was of course Sviatoslav s dwindling supply of men and particularly a lack of cavalry, which could counteract Tzimiskes^, ironclad Immortals.

The critical factor was also the supply of food, which was running low and Sviatoslav and his men were weakening due to hunger. A task force that had succeeded in getting by the Ro­manians guarding the banks of the Danube and bringing back supplies had Simplyprolonged the desperate defense. Realizing the difficulty of the situation Sviatoslav called a meeting of his “druzhina” comrades and tribal commanders to find a way out of the predicament. Some of Sviatoslavs comrades proposed to steal away in the middle of the night on their boats which had been saved from the Imperial flotilla while others counseled to come to terms with Tzimiskes. The waterways, including the Danube, were blockaded by the Greek fire ships of which the Rusians had a great fear, and before coming to terms Sviatoslav decided on a last all-out assault on the Imperial army. If they routed the enemy the siege would be lifted and booty and glory would be earned by all; and if victory proved to be beyond their reach Sviatoslav would propose a peace treaty with Emperor Tzimiskes. The second battle of Dorostolon took place on 24 July, 971. Sviatoslav rode out in front of the assembled men and delivered his famous speech:

If we now yield ignobly to the Romans, gone will be the glory that has attended upon the arms of Rus. Rather let us again mani­fest the valor of our ancestors, and, remembering that up til now the might of Rus has been unvanquished, let us fight ardently for our safety. For it is not our custom to return to our fatherland as fugitives, but either to be victorious and live, or die gloriously, after displaying deeds of brave men.⁶⁴

Waiting until late afternoon, probably due to the heat of the sun, the Rusians marched out of the city “with all their forces/ and assuming battle formations began to advance on the Roman camp. It is probably in this battle that women were allowed to join the sortie in order to bolster the numbers of the attacking force. Once again Leo offers a mythical account of a duel fought on horseback between Sviatoslav and one Anemas, whereby the former received a deep wound and was knocked down from his horse. Indeed, if a duel had been fought then it is Sviatoslav who emerged the victor, since during a later meeting between Sviatoslav and the Emperor no mention was made of any wounds which Leo claims Sviatoslavhad received in the duel. Leading his men in a charge Sviatoslav struck the Romanian infantry who broke ranks “and began to retreat at headlong speed to avoid the extraordinary assault of the Scythi­ans.” Abasic practice ofRomanian tactics has long been to main­tain a second line of cavalry in reserve to counter any enemy breakthrough. They served a double purpose, since in the event of a victory fresh mounted troops could be used in the pursuit, while in case of a defeat they could be used to rally the infantry.⁶⁵ Leo the Deacon described what happened next:

At this point, when the emperor perceived that the Roman army was giving way, he was afraid that in its terror at the extraordinary onslaught of the Scythians it might fall into mortal danger, so he encouraged his companions (the ironclad Immortals) and bran­dishing his spear mightily, and advanced against the enemy.... At the same time a wind and rainstorm broke out, pouring down heavily from the sky, and struck the enemy, and the dust that was stirred up irritated their eyes.

With visored helmets the Immortals were immune to the swirling dust. That they were led by the Emperor himself indi­cates the seriousness of the Rusian breakthrough. Rallied by the Emperor the Romanian cavalry counterattacked, halting the Rusian advance while Bardas Skleros struck the pursuing Rusian infantry in the rear. Sviatoslav had walked into a trap and without enough men to form a reserve he began to fight his way out of the encirclement. Leo the Deacon also credits Tzymiskes^, victory to the intervention of the great martyr Theodore, who was brought by the Mother of God to lead the Christian troops against the heathens, a sure admission of a nar­rowly avoided defeat.

In spite of Leos impossible claims the Imperial army had suffered heavy casualties as well.⁶⁶ The chronicler Skylitzes re­lates that Emperor Tzimiskes had challenged Prince Sviatoslav to end the war (and the casualties) by fighting a duel with him. No doubt aware of the Emperors short stature Sviatoslav replied that “if the emperor had tired of life, he was free to choose any one of a thousand ways to die.”⁶⁷

Sviatoslav s last attempt to break the siege had failed, and his shrinking army was beginning to suffer from hunger. Re­sistance would only prolong the inevitable and Sviatoslav de­cided to send emissaries with a peace proposal. Sviatoslav and his men were to be guaranteed safe passage to Rus without being attacked by Greek fire, and his starving men were to be Suppliedwith provisions. In return, Sviatoslavwould renounce his claim to Bulgaria and the Crimea, become an Imperial ally and recognize all previous trade agreements. The proposals were readily accepted by Emperor Tzimiskes, who must have sighed in relief since his army had also suffered heavy casualties, and storming the walls of Dorostolon would only have added to the list. His army was also needed in Asia Minor against the Muslims. After the agreement was concluded Emperor Tz- imiskes and Prince Sviatoslavmet face to face, and we have the unique description of the Prince of Rus as recorded by Leo the Deacon.

After the treaties were arranged, Sphendosthlavos (Sviatoslav) asked to come and speak with the emperor. And the latter came without delay on horseback to the bank of the Istros, clad in armor ornamented with gold. Sphendosthlavos arrived sailing along the river in a Scythian (sic) light boat, grasping an oar and rowing with his companions as if he were one of them. His ap­pearance was as follows: he was of moderate height, neither taller than average, nor particularly short; his eyebrows were thick; he had grey eyes and a snub nose; his beard was clean-shaven, but he let the hair grow abundantly on his upper lip where it was bushy and long; and he shaved his head completely, except for a lock of hair that hung down on one side, as a mark of the nobility of his ancestry; he was solid in the neck, broad in the chest and very well articulated in the rest of his body; he had a rather angry and savage appearance; on one ear was fastened a gold earring, adorned with two pearls with a red gemstone between them; his clothing was white, no different from that of his companions ex­cept in cleanliness. After talking briefly with the emperor about their reconciliation, he departed sitting on the helmsman’s seat of the boat. Thus the war of the Romans with the Scythians (Ru- sians) came to an end.⁶⁸

The origin of the hairlock, which became common among the Ukrainian Cossacks, is not known.

Sviatoslav s campaign, however, was not yet over. The pur­pose of the meeting may be explained by the ChroniclerJohn Skylitzes who wrote that Sviatoslavhad asked Tzimiskes to in­tercede with the Pechenegs to grant him safe passage through the Dnipro rapids. As part of the agreement Sviatoslavwas al­lowed to keep the spoils of war, and the only way to transport the bulky and heavy booty was by longboat. Was Sviatoslav in­tending to return to Bulgaria with a fresh force and try to retake all he had lost? Probably, for the booty was essential to raise an army, both as an indication of the spoils which could be gained in the wealthy Graeco-Roman empire and as payment for sup­plies and provisions. Tzimiskes was certainly shrewd enough to realize that Sviatoslav had not given up and would try again to establish himself in Bulgaria and now informed the Peche­negs of the large booty Sviatoslavwas bringing back, with few men. Tzimiskes was certainly aware of how his predecessor Nikephoros Phokas had used the Pecheneg card to force Svia­toslav back to Rus and buy valuable time. Sviatoslav and his men were intercepted by a large Pecheneg force and unable to portage the rapids, and not willing to abandon the valuable bag­gage and the infantry by breaking through with his mounted druzhina, he returned to the mouth of the Dnipro by the Black Sea to spend the winter months.

In the spring of 972, Sviatoslav once again attempted to sail up the Dnipro, but reaching the rapids he found the Pech­enegs lining both banks of the river in wait. With even fewer men than he had the previous autumn Sviatoslav decided to break through. He was attacked by the Pechenegs and fighting from behind beached longboats the Rusian force was overpow­ered and Sviatoslavhimselfwas killed, perhaps by a well-aimed arrow from a powerful Pecheneg composite bow. A few survivors led by Svenald managed to break through on horse­back and bring the sad news of the Princes death to Kyiv. A prince for only ten years, Sviatoslav died at the age of just over thirty years old. Elated at his victory over the famous prince the Pecheneg Khan Kurya had Sviatoslav s skull overlaid with gold and, in keeping with the ancient Scythian custom, used it as a ceremonial drinking cup during feasts.⁶⁹