Introduction1
During the past three decades, legal historians and anthropologists have devoted much attention to the connection between law and colonialism.[266] [267] Their main focus has been the development of legal systems in a colonial context. Laura Nader, Sally F. Moore, and Martin Chanock, among many others, have written monographs about the mechanisms and processes that led to the consolidation of “customary law,” or “indigenous law,” alongside - or, to be more precise, under - European colonial law.[268] Their main argument is that custom- ary/indigenous law is not an authentic or original remnant of a traditional legal system. Rather, it is the outcome of the asymmetrical power relationship between the (colonial) ruler and the ruled. Therefore, the attempt to present customary/indigenous law as a “pure” legal system reflecting the values and points of view of the colonised society is to be regarded as ideological rhetoric. These studies are founded on three premises. The first is that “law” constitutes the “cutting edge of colonialism,”[269] so to understand the nature of colonial rule and the ideological concepts underlying it, the legal systems developed by it must be studied. Second, indigenous legal systems, being a product of asymmetrical power relations and colonisation, are necessarily anchored in the colonial and postcolonial legal context and cannot be viewed as autonomous or as representing continuous, unchanging tradition.[270] The third premise is that despite the asymmetrical power relationship characteristic of the colonial reality, indigenous courts subjected to colonial legal systems frequently developed into sites of opposition where indigenous peoples succeeded in challenging old and new power structures.[271] Indeed, as shown by a great number of studies published since 1990, colonial legal systems, which incorporated indigenous legal systems, “constituted a vehicle simultaneously of governmentality and of its subversion, of subjection and emancipation, of dispossession and reappropriation.”[272] In recent years this perspective has also been employed in research into the development of the legal systems in the Middle East.[273] Despite the significant colonial chapter in the history of Israel/Palestine (the period of the British Mandate, 1918-1948), and despite the quasi-colonial arrangements introduced in the State of Israel into family law (expanded on below), the functioning and condition of the sharita courts in Israel have yet to be methodically analysed in the context of the postcolonial paradigm.[274] Accordingly, this chapter intends to show that studying this system through the postcolonial prism of legal history and anthropology provides interesting insights into the characteristics and functioning of the sharita courts in Israel. To avoid the debate regarding whether Zionism is a colonial movement and whether Israel is a colonial state,[275] the situation of the sharita courts in Israel is here defined as a quasi-colonial reality. The chapter opens with a brief review of the status of the sharita courts in the Ottoman Empire, expanding on the ramifications of the administrative and legal reforms (tanzιmdt) carried out in the empire in the second half of the nineteenth century. This will be followed by a short discussion of developments in the sharita court system in Palestine during the Mandate period. The chapter will conclude by looking at the status of the sharita courts in the State of Israel and discussing similarities between these courts and other custom- ary/indigenous court systems that developed in colonial realities. 2
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