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Deeply social knowledge and epistemic humility

Does social knowledge production require epistemic humility? Epistemic humility is typically conceived of as the mean between epistemic arrogance and servility. But the dispositions appro­priate to cumulative culture seem more servile than humble.

Cumulative culture is transmitted from generation to generation largely by way of imitation: we are disposed selectively to imitate the behavior of models. Children, who come to the world preadapted for culture,5 imitate the actions of others to a far greater extent than other primates (Tomasello 1999). Other primates attempt to discern why a behavior is successful and copy only those aspects of it that explain its success; children are much more prone to copy the entire sequence, even those aspects that seem causally irrelevant.This disposition to copy seems to increase, not diminish, with age.We are also subject to the prestige bias (Henrich and Gil-White 2001; Chudek, Heller, Birch and Henrich 2012) and the conformist bias (Henrich and Boyd 1998); that is, we imitate the behavior of suc­cessful individuals, and we imitate the behavior of the majority.All of these strategies are adap­tive in environments that are causally opaque: in which it is difficult to discern what aspects of behavior are adaptive. Prestigious individuals are successful individuals, but what underlies their success? If we can't tell, we may do better to imitate all their behavior, without asking whether it contributes to success or not. Similarly, if our group owes its capacity to flourish in the local environment to cumulative culture, and cumulative culture is the repository of generations of innovations the point of which is often inscrutable to the individual, we do well to copy the majority behavior.

Of course, human beings are clever animals, and we also innovate, invent, and probe. But suc­cessful innovations tend to build on the platform provided by cumulative culture, because this platform embodies knowledge the adaptive value of which it is almost impossible to replicate de novo.The dispositions to copy, to accept testimony, to adopt the local way of doing things seem more servile than humble.

Even in the contemporary laboratory, we take a great deal on trust. Scientists are inculcated into scientific paradigms they cannot justify for themselves, in a very significant part, and which contain elements they will never fully understand. They make their contributions to the advancement of science as members of a team, with no member fully able to grasp the contribution the other members make.

Much of our most adaptive epistemic behavior therefore seems to manifest epistemic servility, not humility.The role for epistemic humility seems more circumscribed than is usually thought. On this basis, we may think that only in our innovations do we abandon servility sufficiently to be in the humility game. In fact, the scope for epistemic humility is more circumscribed still: when we are not servile, we are often — appropriately — arrogant, rather than humble. Perhaps surprisingly, I contend that we display epistemic arrogance not in counterbalance to our deeply social knowledge generation and acquisition, but in the service of social knowledge acquisition.

There is extensive evidence that when we do deliberate (rather than acquire ways of going on by imitation), groups do much better than individuals, at least under a variety of conditions (Mercier and Sperber 2017). Consider our performance at reasoning tasks, like the Wason selec­tion task.Though the task is logically simple, most people do badly at it: around 10% of people select the right cards on the task. But groups of individuals do very much better, and transcripts of exchanges within groups indicate that success is explained by the exchange of reasons (rather than, say, the recognition that one individual is smarter than the others). Indeed, groups of deliberators may exhibit the assembly bonus effect, where the group performs better than the best individual within it. Even deliberation at its best is often social.

But, notoriously, groups have a bad name (think of books with titles like Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds).

We badly underestimate the extent to which groups outperform individuals on many reasoning cases; we often think they will do worse, rather than better. Academic psychologists with a specialism in human reasoning, who are well aware of the dismal performance of individuals on the Wason selection task, underestimate the benefits of group deliberation on a given task to the same extent as laypeople do. Managers of teams, individuals from East Asia and WEIRD people, all alike underestimate the benefits of group deliberation (Mercier,Trouche,Yama, Heintz and Girotto 2015).

We are, it seems epistemic individualists who are reliant on social networks and culture for our epistemic success.Why are we epistemic individualists? Group deliberation is powerful, but is subject to characteristic limitations and pathologies. Information cascades can overwhelm the group; powerful individuals can carry disproportionate weight and people may self-silence in the face of prejudice or anxiety. All of these problems can be mitigated if people are epistemi­cally arrogant: if they are disposed to give their private information and their individual delib­eration greater weight than it deserves in group deliberation.

Information cascades (Bikhchandani, Hirshleifer and Welch 1992) occur when people delib­erate sequentially, and information about previous decisions is available to each. In this situation, each may rationally discount their own private information, because the public information outweighs it. A situation may arise in which the publicly available evidence is highly mislead­ing, while many individuals are in possession of private information that would correct the picture. The problem of information cascades can be reduced if individuals are overconfident: if they take their private information to have a weight greater than it ought, relative to public information. It seems intellectually arrogant to think that one's own private information or one's opinion should be given greater weight than the apparent information of several (or many) indi­viduals who are one's epistemic peers, but this kind of intellectual arrogance can be conducive to group deliberation.

If it is intellectually arrogant to place greater weight on one's own opinions than those of one's epistemic peers, it is even more arrogant to prefer one's own opinions to those of epis- temic superiors. But the disposition to do so may be epistemically fruitful, because self-silencing by those who recognize their inferiority may also lead to ‘hidden profiles'; information relevant to deliberation going unshared. In fact, groups may benefit from what looks like the intellectual arrogance of intellectual inferiors, even when the information they insist on turns out to be misleading (Surowiecki 2004). Again, the apparent individual vice of epistemic arrogance may be a virtue at the level of the group. Mercier and Sperber (2017) have argued that some of our individual-level reasoning pathologies may be adaptations for collective deliberation: the con­firmation bias, for example, which leads us to overvalue evidence in favour of hypotheses we are well disposed to and undervalue evidence contrary to these hypotheses, may conduce to the division of epistemic labor. Similarly, I suggest, our epistemic individualism — our disposition to under-weigh the views of others and to think that group deliberation brings few or no benefits over that of the individual — may be an adaptation for collective deliberation (Levy 2019).

I have suggested that we owe our success very significantly to collective and cultural mecha­nisms of knowledge generation. The mechanisms whereby cumulative culture is generated are very heavily dependent on an epistemic deference so thoroughgoing that it often looks more like epistemic servility than humility. Moreover, our collective mechanisms of knowledge gen­eration may require epistemic arrogance. If something like this picture is accurate, then epis­temically well-functioning agents do not exhibit anything like the virtue of epistemic humility; not, at any rate, in much of their most important epistemic activity. Instead, they are disposed to oscillate between different dispositions: dispositions to servility (in blind deference and imita­tion), to arrogance (preferring their own views to those of acknowledged experts and numerous dissenting peers) and — no doubt — to humility, as the situation demands it.6

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Source: Alfano Mark, Lynch Michael P.. The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Humility. Routledge,2020. — 514 p.. 2020

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