Illustrious Epicurean citizens
The Thessalian Cineas represents a striking example of the interaction between the Epicureans and their cities which, as we shall show, recurs in different forms throughout the history of Epicureanism.35 Cineas was an advisor to King Pyrrhus, who entrusted him with several diplomatic missions in Rome and Sicily.
According to Plutarch, he was an excellent diplomat in peace negotiations. Plutarch records a dialogue between Cineas and Pyrrhus that had become famous, where Cineas ironizes Pyrrhus' boundless desires for power and exhorts him to abandon them and enjoy the pleasure of a quiet life ( Pyrrhus 14). Though the texts are not entirely conclusive, this dialogue and the references to Epicureanism that Plutarch assigns to Cineas on his diplomatic missions to the Romans (Pyrrhus 20, 6) suggest that Cineas was an Epicurean.36 The life of Philonides of Laodicea has similarities with that of Cineas, but in his case the attribution of Epicureanism is certain. Among the papyri recovered from Herculaneum there is a Vita Philonidis ( PHerc. 1044), perhaps by Philodemus.37 Philonides' efforts for his hometown and for the Seleucid court appear in his biography as an uncontroversial strand of his Epicurean philosophy and philanthropy. Philonides was ambassador and royal advisor to Demetrius I Soter, whom he won as a disciple and turned into a king renewed by Epicurean philosophy (apparently, Demetrius I generously supported the Epicurean community; PHerc. 1044, col. XII, 1-9, col. 27, 1-7). Several inscriptions at Eleusis show that Philonides belonged to an aristocratic family of Laodicea, whose piety and diplomatic activities he shared.38Epicurus' life, will and letters, such as the one Batis (wife of Idomeneus and sister of Metrodorus) addressed to her niece Apia, show the integration of family relations in Epicureanism and confirm the involvement of women: Batis' prudence is compared to that of the master.39 This letter is one of the most expressive testimonies of the presence of familial affection in the Epicurean community.
The sending of letters among Epicurean friends seems to have been a common practice within Epicureanism to share and thereby neutralize the pain of those who are suffering.40 A further example of the integration of family relations in Epicureanism can be seen in the Vita Philonidis;41 the same is true of the iconographic and epigraphic testimonies relating to the Epicurean scholar Phaedrus, which also constitute eloquent proofs of the implication of Epicureanism in the life of Athens, and its links with Rome. Phaedrus belonged to a noble Athenian family: his son Lysiades was an exegete of the Delphic oracle and a magistrate [αρχων] of Athens. Three disciples of Phaedrus, Titus Pomponius Atticus (a friend often mentioned by Cicero in his correspondence), Appius Saufeius, and his brother Lucius Saufeius, also a friend of Cicero, dedicated statues to him in Athens. Phaedrus' daughter Chrysothemis honoured her father and his disciple Atticus, ‘friend and protector', with statues in Eleusis. Inscriptions are also preserved in which the polis of Athens honours Lysiades and his sister Chrysothemis ‘because of their virtue and wisdom’.42 To these documents we must add a curious epigraphic testimony of family piety and Epicureanism. This is a funerary epigram from Orchomenus in Boeotia, from the second or first century âñ, which honours an Epicurean from Sidon, Philocrates, buried next to his son. The epigram stresses the Epicurean education that Philocrates received from an early age, as well as his observance of Epicureanism and its transmission, and seems to suggest some involvement by Philocrates and the son lying next to him in the cult and festivities of the Charites in Orchomenus.43The Vita Philonidis follows the biographical model of the imitatio Epicurei and focuses on the same features that are observed in Diogenes Laertius' biography of Epicurus. Philonides' love and services to the fatherland and his care [ θεραπε(α] for King Demetrius are organically framed in the Vita Philonidis by the example of Epicurean philanthropy.
Philonides' biographer stresses, probably aware of his public career, that he lived philosophically, nobly and honourably, and received gratefulness and recognition from his fellow citizens and even from philosophers of rival schools (col. liii, 1-8).There are a significant number of inscriptions from different places and centuries that attest to the political role of various Epicureans in their cities. The consideration of the epigraphic corpus mentioning philosophers in the Hellenistic period and later centuries (to which several scholars have notably contributed)44 allows us to draw an important conclusion: the mentions of ‘Epicurean philosopher' are by no means fewer in number than those of ‘Stoic or Peripatetic philosopher', as might be expected from the tenets of the interpretive tradition we are questioning. Our knowledge of the services rendered by the Epicurean philosopher Apollophanes to his polis, Pergamon, does not come from Epicurean testimonies as in the case of Philonides. The source is an inscription from the gymnasium of Pergamum. What we can read in it is that the people honoured Apollophanes, the Epicurean philosopher, for his virtue and because in pressing circumstances he conducted the affairs of the city happily in Rome.45 It is not possible to fix the exact date or the basis of the inscription, since from 133 âñ Pergamum sent numerous diplomatic missions to Rome. However, as Arrayas has suggested,46 it can be speculated that Apollophanes advised Diodorus on the mission of 85 âñ. Unfortunately, we have no further news about Apollophanes' biography, although it can be assumed that, like Cineas and Philonides, he belonged to an influential family in Pergamum. The Epicurean Gaius Julius Amynas of Samos was also part of an embassy from his city. Amynas is known from three inscriptions in the Heraion of Samos. One of them reads that the council and the people honour Gaius Julius Amynas, nicknamed Isocrates, an Epicurean philosopher, for his many services to the city.
The second inscription shows that he was a priest of the imperial cult and that he was part of the Samian embassy to Augustus around 6/5 âñ. The third shows that he was ‘a demiurge' of Samos in 6/7 ad. 47 In addition to the nickname ‘Isocrates’, it is striking that Amynas was a priest of the imperial cult. We know of several Epicureans who served as priests of local and imperial cults and even as ‘prophets' [προφητα(]. In an inscription from Palaepaphos in Cyprus, dated between 15 âñ and 14 ad, the city expresses its gratitude to one of its citizens, Plous, philosopher and archpriest of the Theos Autokrator Kaiser Sebastos (i.e. ‘God Emperor, Venerable Caesar'). The text is damaged, but Haake suggests that Plous seems to be an Epicurean.48 According to Athenaeus (Deipnosophists V 215b-c), the Epicurean philosopher Lysias of Tarsus was elected ‘crown-bearer' [στεφανoφορος], i.e. priest of Heracles, a magistrate entitled to wear a crown at an official activity. At the end of his duties, he refused to leave office and became tyrant of Tarsus. Lysias probably lived in the first half of the first century âñ or perhaps somewhat later. Another Epicurean, Aristion, is also believed to have become tyrant of Athens in the first century âñ after having been ambassador of Mithridates VI to the Greek cities (unfortunately, the ancient historians' explanations of Aristion are confused).49 Moreover, in an inscription from the island of Amorgos, probably from the first century âñ, Theocritus, son ofAresteias, appears as an Epicurean philosopher among the musician-dancers [μολποf] of Aigialeia. The latter make a ‘votive dedication' for the health of the archpriest (a kind of ‘chief priest': αρχιερευς ) Gaius Julius.50 His inclusion among the μολποf clearly suggests that Theocritus belonged to the local aristocracy.
From Didyma (near Miletus, nowadays Turkey) comes an inscription, of uncertain date, in which Philidas, son of Heracleon, appears as an Epicurean philosopher and ‘prophet' [προφητης].
This office was elected by lot from candidates nominated by the five demoi of Miletus. The office entailed duties that required heavy expenditure financed from their own resources. Philidas must have belonged to one of the leading families of Miletus, from which in Roman times most of the prophets came.51 The case of the Epicurean Aurelius Belius Philippus caught Smith's attention: an inscription from Apamea, in the Syriac Orontes, mentions Aurelius Belius Philippus as a priest of Bel and head of the Epicureans in Apamea. In Smith's opinion, the inscription may date from Hadrian's time, although he considers a later date, perhaps in the first half of the third century ad, to be more probable.52 The temple of Zeus Belus in Apamea was an important oracular sanctuary, so we would be dealing with another Epicurean prophet.Heraclitus, son of Heraclitus, is mentioned in a first century ad inscription from Rhodopolis, which states that the council and people of the city honour him and thank him for his deeds and donations with an image and a statue. The inscription states that he was a priest of Asclepius and Hygieia, a physician, historian and author of philosophical poems. The inscription also reads that he was honoured by many cities and by the Epicurean philosophers of Athens, suggesting that he was an Epicurean.53 Furthermore, through Lucian (Alexander or the False Prophet 25), we know of an Epicurean philosopher named Tiberius Claudius Lepidus from the time of Marcus Aurelius (second century ad), who appears on an honorific inscription from Amastris as archpriest of Pontos and president [επιστατης] of the polis, a rather honorific title.54
Like the Epicureans mentioned above, Diogenes of Oenoanda must have belonged to the upper class of Oenoanda in the second century ad and probably held some honorary office. He certainly had the influence and resources to have Epicurus' doctrine carefully engraved on a wall of more than 250 square metres in the agora, the remains of which constitute, in Haake's words, the ‘empress of Greek epigraphy’.55 It is ironic that this honour should fall to the public exposure, precisely through one of the typical means of propaganda of the official texts of power,56 of a philosophy whose attitude to the polis was traditionally condensed in the motto ‘live unnoticed’ Diogenes records his own condition and justifies his purpose in erecting the wall: he is old, in poor health and has lost a son.57 However, Diogenes represents the opposite image to that of the discontented old man anguished by death described by Lucretius (RN 3.955-63; see also 3.931-42 and 1003-1010).
He is grateful for his existence and wants to say goodbye by philanthropically helping his fellow citizens, foreigners and future generations (on this specific point see the description of the old age of a ‘virtuous Epicurean' in Philodemus, De electione col. xxi, 2-22).58 He wants to publicly exhibit the remedies of salvation which he himself has experienced and which have enabled him to free himself from vain desires and fears. Diogenes stresses that he does not engage in politics, but seems to take into account usual accusations of inaction [απραξ(α], futility and parasitism of the opponents of Epicureanism, and stresses that he acts (fr. 3, I, 4-7), thus suggesting that he considers his work more profitable for the polis than the actions of politicians.59 Interestingly, Erler also points out that Diogenes' action is an example of ‘true politics' and, in his view, extends the agenda of the Socrates of Plato's Gorgias (517b, 521d).60Diogenes' action is undoubtedly unique, but it shares several characteristics with the public actions of the Epicureans we have described. He belongs, like them, to the upper class. The public activity of these Epicureans, rather than being the result of political ambition and the struggle for power, which the Epicureans rejected, seems to stem from membership of prominent families. In fact, it mainly took the form of diplomatic, advisory and consultative functions, and the holding of honorary religious offices. Nor is Diogenes' public action motivated by political ambition: as in the Vita Philonidis, the alleged motivation is philanthropy and utility to the polis. The paucity of the testimonies on the public actions of the rest of the Epicureans mentioned does not enable us to know their justifications, though they were presumably similar to those of Diogenes and Philonides. None of them seems to have seen any contradiction between their actions and Epicurean philosophy, nor does Epicurus seem to have perceived any such problem when making his will. The epigraphic testimonies reflect, as we have noted, the commonly accepted norms of the polis. Those that mention Epicurean philosophers suggest that such a qualification was neither demeaning nor perceived as a disqualifying condition for ambassador, royal advisor, priest or prophet.
At the beginning of the last section, we pointed out how Epicurus' testament allows us to highlight multiple aspects of his connection with Athens. To conclude this section, we will refer to several inscriptions that also concern the succession process of the Athenian Epicurean community and which are, because of the characters involved, not of minor importance.61 In 125 ad the Emperor Hadrian sent a letter in Greek to the Epicureans of Athens, partially preserved in a fragmentary inscription, in which he reminds them of previous concessions and responds to their latest requests. The letter, which some interpreters believe is not from Hadrian but from Trajan's widow Plotina, refers to an earlier epistolary exchange that is also preserved in inscriptions. The Epicureans of Athens had asked Plotina to intercede with Hadrian and grant them the right to make wills and to choose as their successor either a Roman citizen, as was the custom, or a Greek. Plotina petitioned Hadrian on behalf of the leader of the Athenian Epicureans, Popillius Theotimus, whose son would later become archon of Athens in 155/156 ad (curiously enough, the son of the Epicurean scholarch Phaedrus also became archon of Athens). Hadrian granted the request, and Plotina wrote to the Athenian Epicureans to tell them the good news, and she went into great detail about how they should proceed in the selection of a successor so as not to make the mistakes of the past.
The language of Plotina's letters denotes familiarity with the Epicureans of Athens and with Epicurean doctrine. The editors agree that Plotina uses clearly Epicurean terms and ways of thinking. Plotina shows a great appreciation for Epicureanism and an interest in securing the future of the school. Follets reconstruction of the end of Hadrian's letter is extremely interesting. In his opinion, Hadrian states: ‘we are as proud of our fatherland... as we are of the school of Epicurus'.62 This proposition, like the attribution of the letter to Hadrian, is controversial. However, the correspondence, seen as a whole, reveals, in addition to Plotina's proximity to Epicureanism, the connections of the Athenian Epicureans with the core of imperial power and their effectiveness in defending the interests of the Epicurean community. Such connections were not alien to Epicurus (cf. Plutarch, Col. 1126C) nor Philonides (though certainly their links to political power were more modest); nor, presumably, were they alien to the Epicureans mentioned in the epigraphic testimonies of the cities to which we have referred.
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