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Conclusions: Ecological Imperialism Today and Tomorrow

In considering the prospects for a comparative study of imperial metabolism, we have suggested that the appropriation of (human) time and (natural) space, in the form of embodied labor and embodied land, might serve as quantifiable parameters that transcend specific production systems and energy regimes.

Labor and land, always intertwined, are indeed universal sources of energy for capital accumula­tion. To understand current trends in ecological imperialism, we need to begin by rethinking the rationale of the Industrial Revolution.

Prior to the Industrial Revolution, requirements for energy and land converged in the production of food for human labor and fodder for draft animals, but for two centuries now, fossil fuels have made it possible for some sectors of the world­system to separate their energy and land requirements. This material condition was the foundation of the industrial worldview that emerged in early nineteenth­century Britain, the “image of unlimited good”[1116] that pervades mainstream eco­nomic thought to this day. Faced with twenty-first-century prospects of peak oil production and climate change, this worldview is now being challenged more se­riously than ever. We need to ask if some of the fundamental tenets of modern economics are inextricably connected to the use of fossil fuel energy. A return to biofuels would reintroduce some of the constraints and rationalities of pre­industrial imperialism, including the ancient competition over land for energy versus food production, and the logic of calculating transport costs in terms of the requisite ecological space.

Although sharing much continuity, nineteenth-century British and twentieth­century American imperialism are in some respects diametrical opposites. Britain's imperial strategy was largely propelled by its great need of additional land, while it was more than self-sufficient in fossil fuels.

The contemporary United States has been prepared to go to war to secure its imports of fossil fuels, but is more than self-sufficient in agricultural land. If, prompted by peak oil or global warming, oil consumption in the United States were to be replaced with (best-practice) Brazilian ethanol, it would require hundreds of millions of hectares of sugarcane planta­tions, which is several times the area within the United States currently devoted to agricultural exports and vastly more than the area in Brazil currently devoted to sugarcane ethanol. Without a doubt, the future of ecological imperialism and our understandings of ecologically unequal exchange will to a large extent hinge on the geopolitics of energy.

Contrary to many theorists contemplating the expansion of “the West,” acknowledging the significance of energy in the world history of empire should not lead us to adopt a simplistic, Darwinian perspective that represents high-energy, high-tech imperialism as natural and inevitable.[1117] Such evolutionary determinism is pervasive in the work of cultural ecologists like Leslie White[1118] and recurs, for ex­ample, in the influential narrative of the biogeographer Jared Diamond. References to the relative amount of energy harnessed or controlled per capita, however, do not suffice to explain the world history of imperialism. Access to powerful technologies may certainly be useful to empires, best illustrated by British and American impe­rialism in recent centuries, but the complex vicissitudes of imperial fortunes are equally dependent, for instance, on the cultural vagaries of global markets, polit­ical intrigues, epidemiology, harvests, and weather (recall the fate of the Spanish Armada). Empires rise and fall, and in many historical instances low-energy and low-tech polities have proven more resilient than their more powerful neighbors or predecessors.

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Source: Bang Peter F., Bayly C.A., Scheidel Walter (eds.). The Oxford World History of Empire. Volume One: The Imperial Experience. Oxford University Press,2020. — 584 p.. 2020

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