CONCLUSION

Reviewing economic and resource causes of conflict is at risk of being conceptually ‘reductionist', especially so when considering the importance of politics and identity in the causes of conflict (Arnson and Zartman, 2005).

Economic growth can nevertheless prove a double-edged sword, especially when pursued through resource exploitation that often provides one of the main export-driven growth options for poor countries. The ways through which growth is achieved may be as important as growth per se, at least if broad definitions of conflict and violence are applied. Furthermore, growth effective in terms of conflict preventions should not be prone to collapse. High inequalities and negative shocks present major risks, and particularly so if they are articulated along pre-existing social fault lines. This has important implications as a large proportion of the world has been experiencing high growth rates since the latter part of the 20th century, most notably in Asia. Sharp economic recessions and a backlash against economic globalization represent in this regard major challenges to peace and security. As discussed above, this finding is also relevant for resource dependent economies, which are particularly prone to growth collapse. Overall, the major policy implications of the current literature are that economic development efforts should focus on the poorest countries; income equalization schemes contribute to peace and reduce violence, especially if targeting the most economically disenfranchized groups; and precautionary principles should apply to growth policies to reduce the risk of negative shocks, especially in the resource sectors.