Identity Construction

Doing WL also involves identity construc­tion, and while we discuss this separately from boundary work, they are certainly inter­related practices. In the first edition of this Handbook, we urged a move from roles, con­flicts, and outcomes to more subtle processes of identity construction to gain insight into the experience and negotiation of WLC (following Kirby et al., 2003): “What individuals are try­ing to accomplish is not merely the avoidance of conflict but the positive accomplishment of personhood” (p.

Alvesson and Willmott (2002) argue that self-identities emerge out of the interplay of identity work (the ongoing process through which one crafts a self) and identity regula­tion (the ways that social practices shape the process of identity construction). As Wieland (2010) notes, identity constructions draw “not only on one’s position as worker but also as family member, citizen, and consumer... and as such involves a negotiation of the demands of work and other parts of life” (p. 505). While identity work is accomplished both through conscious reflection and ongo­ing practices (Wieland, 2010), it is easiest to identify during major work and life transitions marked with uncertainty (Alvesson, Ashcraft,& Thomas, 2008). WL scholars have focused on identity construction during work role transi- tions—changes in positions, organizations, or occupations prompt individuals to do identity work in order to make sense of their (new, changed) identity in light of the change (Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010). Job loss also prompts identity work: Buzzanell and Turner (2003) establish how unemployed men did emotion work that enabled them to maintain their identity as breadwinner and their focus on the public rather than private realm.

Life transitions (e.g., transitioning to par­enthood) also provide the opportunity to observe identity construction. Golden (2001) concludes that first-time (dual-career) par­ents were active in the identity renegotiation process and worked to reduce anxiety; indi­viduals constructed identities by positioning themselves in relation to their spouses and demonstrated both a continuation of and resistance to traditional gender roles (Golden, 2002). Buzzanell and Liu’s (2005) exploration of women’s identity work during pregnancy, on leave, and after returning to work illus­trates how participants worked to maintain their self-identities as “the same” as they were before pregnancy and to resist the negative identity regulations of others.

Scholars also explore how WL identity construction occurs when one’s identity is perceived as countercultural (Meisenbach, 2010b), as is the case with female breadwin­ners. Medved (2009a) argues that breadwin­ning mothers draw on moral, personal, and political positions to construct their identity as morally right, a personal fit, and as improving women’s role in society. Female breadwin­ners in Meisenbach’s (2010a) study saw their identity as providing them with control, inde­pendence, career progress, and appreciation of their partner while also increasing their stress, guilt, and resentment. As a whole, this scholarship indicates that identity construc­tion is a deeply social process shaped by societal discourses about what is acceptable or desirable (Meisenbach, 2010a). Ideal selves associated with both the public and the private spheres—such as the ideal worker, citizen, mother, father, woman, and man, among others—regulate identity work; individuals respond with strategic and creative position­ing through which they satisfy and/or resist those ideals (Wieland, 2010).

Research that studies how WL is accom­plished through identity construction provides a deeper understanding of the ongoing, messy, and situated process of navigating WLC. Yet at times, this work perpetuates a view of self-identity that presumes the possibility and desirability of developing a coherent self that incorporates all aspects of one’s identity (thus, resolving role conflicts). Tracy and Trethewey (2005) suggest an alternative conception to celebrate the benefits and challenges associ­ated with conflicting aspects of self: viewing the self as crystallized—having multiple facets that potentially conflict with one another (see also Gill, 2006). Whether a multifaceted self that incorporates work and life is seen as possible, expected, and/or desirable depends in part on societal discourses. In Sweden, for example, a strong cultural value of mod­eration helps individuals maintain a healthy tension between work and life (Wieland, 2011). Research considering the implications of viewing the self as crystallized would enable scholars to better understand how WL is accomplished through identity construction.