CONCLUSION
Gender economic inequality encompasses a large field of study, far beyond the gender wage gap (even though this issue is central); the related literature is overabundant and still growing, driven by the conjunction of dramatic demographic and economic shifts in the past decades and the puzzle of persistent gender inequalities.
Delayed maternity and marriage have transformed women’s economic opportunities relative to men’s: education is no longer a key factor of gender inequality, and motherhood is less incompatible with paid work. Family structures have changed in several ways. A majority of couple families count two earners, but marriages have become less stable than in the past, and cohabitation is an increasing arrangement. Consequently, women may rely less on a husband’s incomes, as in the traditional “male breadwinner” model, and more on own their economic independence.But the “quiet revolution” does not seem to have changed market and nonmarket work to a comparable extent, and the gender wage gap has remained basically unchanged in the past two decades. More than an academic puzzle, this is also a major policy issue. There is a general consensus that this persistence is related to occupational segregation and a gender gap in promotions, but the underlying causes are still debated. Whether the explanation focuses on employer discrimination, gender psychological differences and social norms that disadvantage women in the labor market, or family constraints on work hours, a common denominator is the gender division of labor, especially of unpaid childcare, as reflected by the importance given to the issue of work-family balance. As Craig (2006) remarks: “In the absence of adequate support, there is a sticking point in the revolution: taking care of the kids. An implication of this is that the marker of the most extreme difference in life opportunities between men and women may not be gender itself, but gender combined with parenthood” (p.
146).While the time dedicated to housework has decreased dramatically since the 1960s, women still make the major contribution to nonmarket work within households, and the need for flexible work hours when they are mothers affect their labor market outcomes in many ways, from less favorable careers to smaller pensions—a delayed expression of the gender asymmetrical effects of family life. So, it is not surprising that recent public policies addressing gender wage inequality point out the need for making men and women more equal in terms of family constraints, adding incentives to get fathers more involved in childcare to usual measures of work-family reconciliation for mothers.
All throughout this chapter, various limitations in the knowledge of gender inequality have been underlined, pointing at the lack of appropriate data on individual incomes. Work incomes are quite well identified at individual level, but this is not so for other income components, which in many data sets are available only at the household level. It is quite the opposite with time-use surveys, which provide individual-level information but do not always allow reliable household-level variables to be computed because very often there is only one respondent per household. Another problem with data is that the possibilities for researching the relations between time use, labor market outcomes, and issues of power within the household are limited. Time-use data, on the one hand, are a precious resource for analyzing the allocation of time, but variables describing earnings and other incomes often lack of precision, whereas data on income and labor market status, on the other hand, most often provide imprecise—if any—information on the time not spent at work. Finally on wealth, an emerging strand of research on gender inequality, the need for appropriate statistical sources is blatant. Cross-national perspectives are needed also to better understand the various dimensions of gender economic inequality.
This entails discussing and adopting common methodologies allowing meaningful international comparisons - and harmonization is clearly an issue, but also the agreement on basic principles, especially of the pertinent level of information.A better understanding of gender economic inequality is not only a question of data (although more large scale and comparable data would not hurt), but also a question of concepts and indicators allowing to compare men and women economic outcomes. Women’s economic and social status have undergone enormous changes over the last decades, and this is challenging many theoretical approaches. A concern is that the reference remains of the household as a stable unit of pooling and sharing, an increasingly irrelevant conceptualization while households are less stable than in the past and individuals are more likely to experience diverse family configurations over a lifecycle. These are serious incentives to depart from a paradigm which limits the analysis of inequality between individuals in general and between men and women in particular.
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