Ancient Sources Index

Septuagint

Pseudepigrapha

Dead Sea Scrolls

Damascus Document

Quis rerum divinaraum heres sit

Didache

10.6

143 n. 34

Egeria, Itinerarium Egeriae

3 30 n. 20

10 282 n. 3

Eusebius, Onomasticon

44 282 n. 3

Jerome

Commentariorum in Nahum liber

1, 1.106 31 n. 21

Epistulae

21 42-43 n. 45

John Chrysostom, Against the Jews

1.6.2-3 294

Lactantius, Divinarum institutionum libri

VII

1, 10, 5 43 n. 46

Martyrologium hieronymianum 45, n. 58

Nazarius, Panegyric

IV 4 40

Paulinus of Nola, Epistula

5 30 n. 20

12 30 n. 20

Passio Polychronii 45 n. 59

Peter the Iberian

82-85 282 n. 3

Prudentius, contra Symmachum

1, 225-30 43 n.

47

Pseudo-Augustine, Regulae Aurelii

Augustini

1.16 42

Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica

1280 282 n. 3

Tertullian

Adversus Marcionem

1, 1, 5 43 n. 46

De baptism

12 30 n. 20

De spectaculis

5.7 223

Codex Einsiedlensis

36 39

Greco-Roman Literature

Aelian, Varia historia

10.3 133-34 n. 8

Ammianus Marcellinus

19.10.4 41

Antiphilus, Anthologia Palatina

9.178 90, 90 n. 21

Apollodorus, Bibliotheca 261 n. 3

1.9.28 265

Apolonius, Argonautica 265 n. 16

Apuleius, Metamorphoses

1.10 266

Aratus, Phaenomena

81

Aristophanes, Peace

364-65 63

Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogues

1.46 80 n 5

1.46-48 94

1.73 80 n 5

1.84 80 n 5

4.7 80 n 5

4.30 80 n 5

4.48 80 n 5

4.84 80 n 5

4.93 81

19.30.4 222 n. 17

Festus, Epitome of De verborum

720-723 261 n. 2

Quintus Curtius Rufus, Historarium

CVI 134 n. 10

Inscriptions & Papyri

Roman Provincial Coinage Project

261 no. 1275 103

430 no. 2559 84-85

Scholia

on Juvenal, Satirae

6.343 227-28

Fine Arts, Boston, 63.903: http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/coin-of-sagalassus-with-bust-of- nerva-268097.

16. I owe this observation to John Herrmann; see also Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica 5.366, http://www.theoi.com/Ouranios/Dioskouroi.html and http://www.theoi.com/Cult/DioskouroiCult. html. The Dioscuri of Samothrace, an island in the northeast Aegean could also have become associ­ated with the world of Troy on the nearby Asiatic mainland and hence with Trojans, such as Paris, who were shown in oriental costume; a late mo­

45. Jerome, Ep. 21 to Damasus: “Absit, ut de ore Christiano sonet, ‘Jupiter omnipotens; et me Her-

4. Claudia Octavia: Grosseto, Museo Archeologico d’Arte della Maremma; Rose 1997, 116-18, cat.

45, no. 14; Wood 1999, 284; Claudia Augusta: Baia, Museo dei Campi Flegrei, Castello Aragonese, inv. 222740, h. 1.12 m; Rose 1997, 82, cat. 4.2, figs. 62-3; Wood 1999, 283-86, figs. 69-71; Boschung 2002,

6. On the statue of Jupiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus by Apollonios, see Wünsche et al. 1998. Dio 54.25.4, 59. 28.7; Josephus A.J. 19.1.2; Ovid Fast. 6.37, 652; Suetonius Cal. 52.2; Andren 1976-

52. Religionem usque quaque cotemptor, praeter unius Dea Syriae; statue of Dea Syria, CIL 6.116; Drijvers 1986, 157, no. 31; Stenhouse 2002, 52, no. 4; Orlandi 2008, 48. Statue of Jupiter, CIL 6.117; Orlandi 2008, 20. The two statues are recorded by Ligorio to have been in the gardens of Cardinal Ridolfo Pio da Carpi on the Quirinal by the mid-sixteenth century; the pair of statues follow identical formats with the deities enthroned on a high base and are dedicated by Decimius Veturius Antigonus, Decimius Vetrius Philo, and Decimius Veturius Albanus to Dea Syria and Jupiter for the well being of the emperor. Ligorio further records that the Dea Syria was taken by Marco Giulo (M. Iulio)

19. Newton 1863, 724; other scholars, including Wünsch and Versnel, have followed this hypoth­esis. Wünsch, 1903, xii.b; Versnel 1991, 80; contra Audollent 1904, cxvi, 5, who thought they were buried or hidden like other defixiones. Similar cases exist in which prayers for justice were displayed

33. These options are reflected in the textual variants, even though the spacing of the letters in the MSS is difficult to discern and make little difference in determining the Aramaic original. There are three possibilities: (1) μαραν αθα, in B² D² G*^vid K L Ψ 323. 365. 1505. al vg^cl sy.; (2) μαραναθα, in F G^c

8. The considerably later pronouncements of jurists cast doubt on whether objects from a private household had a legally recognized sacred status. So, e.g., Marcian tells us: “Moreover, sacred things are those which have been consecrated by the public and not by private individuals. Therefore if any­one privately decides to declare something sacred, it is not sacred, but profane” (Dig. 1.8.6). Even if

11. For Zimmer the setting gives this theft a significance that is unparalleled in other thefts from private individuals. This, he argues, is why the Heius narrative is placed first in Verr. II 4: it empha­

14. The “vivid descriptions” of Innocenti 1994 would have been considered ekphrases in their own right by the ancient audience. For ancient ekphrasis as “the use of language to try to make an

which included numerous quotations from early Latin authors and a wealth of antiquarian material. Festus survives only in one badly mutilated manuscript. The epitome of Paul the Deacon (ca. 720-799 CE), a condensed version of Festus, survives in its entirety. For Verrius, Festus, and Paul, see especially the essays in Glinister and Woods 2007.

2. The similarity of Corinthian capitals under Domitian in different monuments has led De Angeli

to conjecture a specialized urban workshop emphasizing expert production of architectural elements (1992, 150-51). On architectural ornament of the temple, see De Angeli 1992, 149-57; on the com­plexity of Flavian architectural ornamentation as compared to the more austere forms under Trajan, see Packer 2001, 187; on innovations in architectural ornament under the Flavians, see Pensabene and Caprioli 2009.

3. The sequence of the heavily restored Tabularium section of the frieze is bucranium, galerus, aspergillum, jug, culter, patera, malleus, securis, and bucranium·, according to De Angeli parts of the Tabularium section that are original are only the left section of the bucranium, the right half of the

10. See, e.g., Titus, RIC 2, no. 380 as combining the legend AETERNIT(as) AUG S-C and a stand­

25. Pollini envisions a rhetorically influenced, yet much more complex narratively motivated

13. Williams and Zervos (1984, 97-101) argue for an early Roman dating; Robinson (2005, 129­30) presses instead for a dating in the Greek period on the basis of the fountain's distinctive chisel work, pre-Roman mortar inside the reservoirs, and the orientation of Glauke along its axes. Pfaff

15. See Cole (2004) for the gods' association with the natural landscape and for the concept of bor­der spaces. Regarding intentionality in the creation of numinous spaces, examples abound. Designers in Hellenistic Rhodes incorporated artificial grottoes into their acropolis (Rice 1995), and Augustus embroidered the all-important Palatine Hill in Rome with springs and grottoes (Longfellow 2011, 20); note also the Hadrianic Larissa Nymphaeum in Argos (Longfellow 2011, 113-19). Especially relevant is the local Peirene Fountain at the northeastern end of the Corinthian forum, which exhibited a numinous atmosphere of its own owing to the structure's overall cave-like appearance and that of its individual water basins (Robinson 2005, 117-18). In contrast to Glauke, renovations made to Peirene were quite extensive over its Greek and Roman histories and included the addition of a two-story

35. Judean accounts naturally tended to downplay the permanent significance of Shechem (Hjelm

34. This sanctuary was built at the site of a large mikveh, which was described in John 5 as the site where Jesus healed a paralytic. Excavations conducted on the grounds of the monastery of St. Anne in Jerusalem revealed several items that can be identified as votive offerings to Serapis-Asklepios;