Characheng (Primal Hamai Religion)
Primal Hamai religion is known as Characheng, which means ‘God’s way of life’ (Hunibou Newmai 1992:98). In general, primal religions are misunderstood as ‘animism’ (as conceptualised by Edward B.
Tylor (1871))10, ‘pre-literate’, ‘primitive religion’, and considered as a degraded and pre-logical inferior mental quality to that of the so-called civilised peoples (Thumra 2001:45-46; Longchar 2000c:6 and Kamei 2004:262-263). Animism is a term formerly used to describe traditional or primal religions based on misconception and wrong research11; however, it was dropped because its connotative meaning of ‘spiritism’ was felt to be misleading (Tilby & Yule 1982:392). The drawback with animism is that it is a religion connoted only with spirits without the Supreme Beings. However, current studies concluded that primal religions are not animistic or primitive. These traditional religions are not limited only to the spirits, but they believe in the Supreme Being. Moreover, primal religions cannot be separated from the Supreme Being because it is the latter that the whole idea of belief and practice systems of the former are developed and established.It is observed that the primal Hamai religion is not just a simple set of beliefs, but it is a highly developed religion. The Supreme Being is known as Tingwang12. At the same time, there are also numerous demigods such as Charasingrangpui, Charawang, Banglawang, Puichamiu (Bisnu), Asabou, and others. There is also a belief in different spirits. Remarkably, the primal Hamai religion is categorised into three phases (Newmai 1992:76-99). The first phase is when the Hamais exclusively worshipped the Supreme Being. That is recounted in their mythical narratives. In the second phase, they venerated the imminent deities such as Charawang (literally translates as king of gods), a demigod, and others.
The third and final phase was in the recent past when they began to appease the spirits. They believed in both benevolent and malevolent spirits. However, in all the phases, Tingwang, the absolute reality, was the community’s ultimate concern, though he became more transcendent in the second and third stages. That sidelined him from the centre stage. Nevertheless, his importance was always the definitive affair of the community.Appeasement of the spirits by offering taniya (rites and rituals) was typical in the community to avoid misfortunes in life. However, it may be noted that such taniya were offered especially to the malevolent spirits with the belief that such spirits would not harm the community or individual. This religion upheld the idea of life after death or manalounbo (rebirth) and the concept of charuidih (land of the dead, where the dead lived before their rebirth in this world). Further, the Hamai community was a very spiritual and religious one. There was no clear distinction between sacred and secular in its worldview, as every aspect of life was religious and spiritual in nature. Not only that, this primal religious worldview intricately celebrated the interconnectedness of Ting-kadi-maina (God-world-humans). Here the world, especially the land, was considered the space of interconnection between the three realities (see Longchar 2000b:52-60).
This religion also had well-developed systems with explicit worship, liturgy, prayer chants, kaniu-kari (gennas), taniya (rites and rituals), and others. For instance, gennas are observed or performed for the wellbeing of the community, clan, family, and individual. It is observed for varous reasons such as good health, long life, prosperity, protection, fields, crops, domestic animals, wars, natural elements like sunshine, rain, storms, etc.; and it is believed that breaking of any genna could bring curse and misfortune (Thou 2008:242). It did not possess any written scripture; however, it considered the community’s oral myths, the world, and the entire universe as its unwritten scripture (Longchar 2000c:3).
Not only the absence of written scripture, but the Hamai religion also did not have a particular place of worship like a Hindu temple or a Christian church. In other words, it was not bound by any specific space or location for religious activities. Followers considered the entire world as sacred, a worship place. They freely worshipped everywhere in the land. Thus, the whole spatiotemporal domain was regarded as a holy place for worship (Longchar 2000c:3-5). Two offices that performed the religious duties are aku (priest) and phaimiu13. The moral-ethical concepts like niubo (taboos or dos and don’ts) and chaliuraobo (moral- ethical principle of selflessness) of the religious life of the Hamai cannot be separated from its community life in totality. Here, a profound relationship is observed between god, the world, and humans. Thus, the three entities, god-creation (world)-human constitute the whole reality in the Hamai worldview; as Longcher comments, “the tribal worldview is very unique because of its affirmation of the centrality of the interrelatedness of all realities” (Longchar 2003:8). This is the essence of Characheng (primal religion) and the primary foundation of the traditional Hamai community.15.2.1 Heraka and Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak (TRC)
Heraka is monotheistic. It teaches that only Tingwang14, the Supreme Being, should be worshiped, and all other demigods and spirits should be rejected (Longkumer 2010:8; Zeliang 2015:81 and Dindu 2018:21). On the other hand, Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak (TRC) is polytheistic. It believes in Tingkao Ragwang15 and other gods such as Charawang, Bisnu (Puichamiu), others, and spirits. Both Heraka and TRC are different only at the levels of linguistic, territorial, and system of beliefs. These two sects are indigenous socio-religious reform movements among the Hamai (Zeliangrong) community of Assam, Manipur, and Nagaland (Yonuo 1982:39-43; Longkumer 2010:738 and Dangmei 2013:30).
Historically, Heraka is the pioneering movement, and TRC follows it. They transformed the ancient religion by modernising and making it relevant and acceptable to the contemporary Hamai communities. Their primary aim is to safeguard the indigenous religion and make it relevant.It was Jadonang who fought for the Naga Raj that initiated these religious movements. He began a ‘religious modernisation’ and political struggle in the 1920s, which later came to be known as Heraka (Longkumer 2010:46; Pamei 2001:84 and Kamei 1982:6, 2004:262). John Thomas notes, “Jadonang undertook the project of redefining the existing belief system, culture and integrating it with the immediate material and political needs of the Nagas” (Thomas 2017:67). Gangmumei Kamei asserts that Jadonang’s reformation was a systematisation and rationalisation of the primal religion of the Hamais by synthesising monotheism, idolatry, and temple culture that were inspired by other religions. Jadonang abolished various taboos and other traditional practices which were harmful; however, he did not deviate from the primary essence of the primal religion. His main aim for socioreligious reformation was to bring social solidarity among the Hamai people and also to revive the common past and origin (Kamei 2006:53, 55). After Jadonang died in 1931 (Mahadevan 1974:256), his follower Gaidinliu continued the reform movement, which turned more political and radical by demanding a Zeliangrong Homeland until a political dialogue began in 1966 (Yonuo 1982:121; Pamei 2001:85-88 and Zeliang 2010:9). Today, the Zeliangrong nationalist movement has become dormant; however, the religious reform sects have reached another level. They have been established as full-fledged indigenous religions of Northeast India. Both of the orders claimed the continuation of the primal Hamai religion in a dynamic and transformative manner. Significantly, Heraka and TRC observe identical religious beliefs and practices, but in different forms and manners due to linguistic variations, distinct versions of the holy scripture, and separate areas of influence. Currently, out of around 3.7 lakh of Hamai population, Heraka and TRC followers constitute about 30,000 members as mentioned by Kamei (2012) in Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak16, almost eight per cent, and Christian devotees form the remaining 92 per cent of the Hamai’s population (the rounded estimations are based on the 2011 Census of India).
15.3