Primal Hamai Religion Encountered with Christianity

The advent of Christian missionaries from the west along with British colonial power in the Hamai territories in the 19th century marks a watershed in Hamai history. It was the first time that the Hamai civilisation encountered western culture and Christianity, and the result was the nerve-wracking shift and alteration of Hamai society from tradition to modernity as well as the loss of primal religion.

The opportunity for Christian missionaries to penetrate the Hamai areas was mainly facilitated and opened up by the works of the British colonial power. Before the arrival of missionaries in the Hamai areas, the British colonial rulers had already colonised the Hamais and the Naga village-nations in general. Their political power initiated the way for the missionaries to evangelise the Nagas and the Hamais in particular (see Kamei 2004:280; Vashum 2007:2-22 and Maisuangdibou 2014:41).

Apart from intended missionary incursion, the immediate pre-Christian background of the Hamai Characheng (primal religion) provided a favourable avenue for conver­sion. Primal Hamai religion before the arrival of Christianity was submerged into extreme kaniu-kari (gennas), niubo (taboos), fear of evil spirits, taniyabo (rites, rituals, and animal sacrifice), and chiuniune malum (superstitions), and tapilubo^w (Newmai 2009:80; Singh 2009:287 and Samson 2012:324, 2015:362-363)¹⁹. Saphulang Newmai observes that the Hamais were lost in innumerable gennas, taboos, abstention, and observances, and also religious sacrifices and rituals.²⁰ Ramkhun Pamei observes, “The Zeliangrongs, prior to the coming of Christianity, were bound and blinded by all kinds of superstitions and prac­tices” (Pamei 1996:43). As noted earlier, the religion of the Liangmais, in the beginning, was monotheistic, ideal, and pure in nature. However, in the later stage, the religion had become polytheistic with overburdened rituals and filled with superstitions. In this regard, Hunibou Newmai writes, “Our fore-fathers (sic) lived in constant fear due to their supersti­tious beliefs, and in fact, it is the root cause of all social evils prevailing in our society even till today” (Newmai 2003:xi). Indeed, in all the activities of life, big or small: from festivals, celebrations, birth, death, seed sowing, harvest, hunting and fishing, feuds, construction of a house, marriage, etc., there were various kaniu-kari (gennas) with intense observances (Marilungbou 2000:16-17 and Liangmai Kenpatbo Racham 2003:2).

Another severe predicament of primal religion was its sanction of the unending inter-vil­lage feuds, popularly known as tapilubo (taking of heads) and rikhumlubo (revenge) among the Hamais²¹. This inter-village feud has an overarching religious connotation that upholds the view that any warrior dying in the feud or taking another’s head has a safe passage to charuidih (the other world) for his rebirth. Therefore, feud, revenge, and conflict became endless as a religious undertone was attached. Such a tradition had weakened the grip of primal religion over its followers when the Gospel came to their land (see Newmai 2003:xi and Passover History of Liangmai 2003:xi). Such was the context of primal religion in the Liangmai community in the immediate pre-Christian era. Kaniu-kari (gennas) have numer­ous positive effects; however, the extreme imposition of these gennas, superstitious beliefs, taboos have led the people to alienate themselves from socio-religious realisation and eman­cipation (Passover History of Liangmai 2003:xi).

In such a state of affairs, Christianity arrived in the Hamai’s land, intending to proselyt­ise, and that led consequently to the slow elimination of the native’s religion and culture (Passover History of Liangmai 2003:xi-xii). Here, are a few advantages Christianity had enumerated over the primal religion and became the accepted religion of the Hamais. First, the Christian message of Jesus Christ, the saviour who has the power to destroy the fear over the evil spirits and demonic forces, overwhelmed the Hamai society. Secondly, the idea of love, grace, forgiveness, and reconciliation in the name of Jesus Christ was a transform­ing and life-changing phenomenon amid inter-village conflicts, feuds, killings, and revenge.

Thirdly, the sacrificial work of Jesus Christ as once and for all was a compelling message that abolished the primal religious practice of excessive sacrifices in appeasing god(s) and spirits. Fourthly, the teaching that Jesus’ blood cleans every believer’s life from sin without any precondition, but only to live in god’s grace, was different from the everyday practice of genna in traditional religion. Fifthly, Christian rejection of all religious tradition and practices, gennas, abolition of morungs, and denunciation of myths and other oral tradi­tions as inferior to Christian Scripture and practices led to the natives’ dismissal of their own values. Sixthly, the psychological game played by the missionaries by condemning the locals as ‘inferior’, ‘savage’, ‘barbaric’, ‘cultureless’, ‘uncivilised’, etc. (see Vashum 2008:47 and Thong 2009:22-39) directed the natives’ to think of themselves as inferior, and thus they mimicked the colonisers and missionaries. Seventhly, Christian missionaries brought in economic, educational, and medical facilities and impoved living standards that lured the majority of Hamais to convert to Christianity. Finally, the local coverts, who became mis­sionaries, played a massive role in converting the primal religion followers in masses into Christianity.

Christianity almost wiped out primal religion in the Hamai context. However, Christianity did not penetrate effortlessly in the Hamai community, as there were countless cases of resistance from the locals. From the very beginning, there were suspicions about the missionaries destroying the native culture. The allurement of the missionaries with the unswevering zeal and evangelism, and in association with exceptional facilities such as schools, education, medical amenities and hospitals, economic development, and western values had persuaded the natives to convert to Christianity one after another. The conver­sion was a historical process that achieved the first Christian convert among the Hamais in the person Namrizinang Pamai in 1914 (Kaipisinnang 2000:107-110 and Daimai 2014:1).

15.3.1 Similarities and Differences between Hamai Religion and Christianity

Comparatively, there are several resemblances and divergences between primal religion and Christianity. Here are a few comparisons: Hamai Religion is polytheistic (where Tingwang is worshipped and gods and spirits are appeased), whereas Christianity is monotheistic. Primal Hamai religion is more compatible with Old Testament Judaism than the teach­ings of the New Testament. The creation myths of the Hamai and the Bible are relatable in numerous ways (see Newmai 2000:79). Both narratives highlight that god created the uni­verse, humans, and others in the beginning. The interconnectedness of god, creations, and humans in the primordial period is recounted in both myths²². Significantly, creation is an overarching subject in primal religion, whereas creation in Christianity is less emphasised as anthropocentrism is taken centre stage. Likewise, the ethical principles which Gods in both religions commissioned the followers are compatible. Yet, Hamai’s ethical values are overtly communitarian, whereas Christian ethics has a balance between community and individual. Hamais believe in continuous manalounbo (rebirth), whereas Christianity upholds life after death, that is, once and completed. Again, primal religion believes in charuidih (land of the dead), and Christianity has the concept of heaven and hell. For the Hamais, charuidih is just another world that is neither a blissful abode like heaven nor a tormented site like hell.

All primal religions, including the Hamais, have no founder of their faith systems, whereas Jesus Christ is considered the founder of Christianity (see Kamei 2004:262). Longchar maintains, “Another distinctiveness of the tribal religion is that unlike other reli­gions of the world, it does not have a founder(s) or a reformer(s)” (Longchar 2000c:4). Primal Hamai religion has no written scripture, whereas the Bible is the written scripture of the Christian religion. For Hamai religion, their myths and oral narratives, nature, and the universe as a whole are their unwritten scripture. Similarly, primal religion regards the whole world as sacred, and any location is a place of worship; therefore, it does not have buildings like churches or temples. In contrast, churches are the centres of the Christian faith. Apart from that, the Hamai religion has no sense of mission beyond its disciples; Christianity, for that matter, is a mission-centred religion. The mission is the heartbeat of the Christian faith; hence the core of Christianity is conversion, which they consider God’s mandate - the commission to be fulfilled. Further, both religions have priests and prophets and other offices along with explicit rites and rituals and other religious practices (Passover History of Liangmai 2003:1).

15.3.2 Influence of Hamai Religion on Christianity

Despite the destruction of primal Hamai religion with the advent of Christianity, the former had left enormous legacies in the Hamai Christian setup. These primal ideas and practices are imprinted in various forms, such as at linguistic and conceptual levels of the native Christians, in the church administration and functioning, at their subconscious and con­scious levels, and in the practical aspects. Intrinsically, the native language was the primary tool of spreading the Gospel, and one cannot separate this language from the native cul­ture and religion. The missionaries translated the Bible and other Gospel books employ­ing the local language, especially the religious terms such as Tingwang (the proper name of the Supreme Being), Charawang (the proper name of a demigod), aku (priest), nuan (sin), niubo (taboo), and many more. As a way of explanation, the name of the Christian God in the local language is translated as ‘Tingwang’ in Liangmai and Zeme, and ‘Tingkao Ragwang’ in Rongmei. These two names, ‘Tingwang’ and ‘Tingkao Ragwang’ are derived from the proper name of the Supreme Being. Likewise, other terms such as ‘god’, which is interpreted as ‘chara,’ and ‘charawang’ is a derivation of the proper name of one of the demigods called Charawang; and likewise, the Hamai Christian understanding of ‘hell’ is translated as charuidih which is the original name of the land of the dead as per the belief in the primal religion. Hence, linguistic and conceptual transference of the native language in Biblical terms has several primal inputs. Regarding this narrative, the native Christian understanding of the word ‘Tingwang’ is no more the Tingwang of the primal religion, but the God of the Christian faith.

The influence of primal religious structure on the Hamai church administration and functioning is profound. The community-based Hamai religious system where the commu­nity way of life - communitarian living and interconnectedness of all realities - is empha­sised is witnessed in the function of the church in Hamai areas. The Hamai church has never been experiencing communitarian as much as the primal Hamai setup; however, there is a clear indication that the church tries to establish communitarian values at its best. The idea of classlessness, castelessness, and equal participation of all are inspired by the primal reli­gious ideals in addition to Biblical teachings. The notion of oneness of the god, the world, and humans, which is emphasised in the primal order, has a profound impact on Hamai Christians. Similarly, the ecclesial structure in the Hamai context is motivated by primal social structure. All the clan groups’ equal participation and representation in the church organisations such as deacons and other offices is a replica of clans’ involvement in primal religion²³.

Hamai Christians are a very superstitious lot, and this tradition is hugely borrowed from the primal ways. There are several old superstitions that are inculcated in the Christian faith among the Hamai, consciously and unconsciously. For instance, the beliefs in evil-eye and witchcraft are widespread. Apart from that, numerous gennas and taboos of dos and don’ts that were constructive or positive have been added to Christian values. For example, the concept of nitnai (day of rest) is candidly related to the Christian notion of Sunday as a rest day. The idea of Sunday as a sabbatical day is intensely epitomised in the Hamai understanding of manitbo (abstention or observation as part of genna). In like manner, the primal religious office of phaimiu (prophet and shaman) explicitly or implicitly impels the germination and thriving of Christian prophets, visioners, shamans, and healers among the Hamai. Several Christian prayers and healing centres with so-called Christian ‘visioners’ and ‘healers’ are set up in diverse parts of the Hamai areas²⁴.

There are no concepts of Christian images of heaven and salvation in primal religion. For the latter, all the deads have to depart for charuidih which is the land of the dead (Maisuangdibou 2022:246-248). This charuidih is not heaven or hell. It is simply a dwell­ing place, another world, for the dead. There is no bliss or suffering in charuidih, but it is a resting place like the present world for all the deceased before their rebirth. For the Hamai religion, this world is considered the best world that needs to be safeguarded and protected (see Marilungbou 2000:16 and Newmai 2000:80). Therefore, their folklore claims that the dead wish to be reborn as quickly as possible to return to this world. The primal principles of charuidih and manalounbo (rebirth) simplify and make the Hamai Christian tenets of hell and salvation intelligible.

Another enormous contribution of primal Hamai religion on Christianity is the cosmovi- sion of the interrelatedness of the whole realities and the vision of ecological sustainability. The primal religious philosophy of the communitarian interrelationship between god(s), the world, and humans (god-world-human continuum) (Thanzauva 2004:186-202 and Maisuangdibou 2015:122-124) is deeply rooted in Hamai consciousness. Hamai spiritu­ality emphasises mutual interdependence of continuum reality (see Vashum 2011:10-11, 2012:31). Although the Hamai Christians have not fully incorporated the spiritual oneness and integrity of all, the imprint of this entwinement in their subconsciousness is categorical. For instance, in spite of hundreds of villages being Christianised, the ideas of land, nature and its resources, forest, etc., are still primal in their perspective. Likewise, communitar­ian ownership of land is still the norm in every village (see Imsong 2011:167-171 and Longchar 2000b:59-63). Like any other tribal worldview on ecology, Hamai’s religious worldview has a more progressive vision of ecology than Christian teaching on the subject. In this regard, there is a fundamental variation in the understanding of reality between the tribal-indigenous worldview and the dominant Christian traditions. Humanity is the central point of reference and norm in the prevalent Christian teachings, but it is the other way round in the tribal worldview. It is the creation that is the central point of reference. The whole reality, including the Supreme Being, humanity, the world, and the spirits, is approached from creation’s perspective (Longchar 1999:69).

It views creation or nature as an integral part of the cosmic community. There is recogni­tion, acceptance, and interrelationship of nature; therefore, primal life treats and respects the land, plants, animals, and all other living and non-living beings as one and correlative. This ecological vision is not thoroughly inculcated in Hamai Christian theology as the latter continues to interpret ecology from an anthropocentric perspective as earthly, materialistic, and mundane. Regarding this narrative, Longchar argues, “The dominant Christian theol­ogy looks at creation from the point of view of humanity” (Longchar 2000c:64). At the same time, the influence of the primal eco vision on Christianity cannot be denied and vice versa (see Longchar 2000a:64-68 and Maisuangdibou 2014:150). Hence, there is a sense of preservation of ecology on one side; and simultaneously, there is also destruction on the other side. Overall, one cannot negate the impacts of primal heritages on the Christian faith and practice in the Hamai context.

15.3.3 Influence of Hamai Religion and Christianity on Heraka and TRC

As much as Hamai’s primal religious vision impacts Christianity, the latter also impacts Heraka and TRC in various ways. To put it into perspective, the reformation in these two new sects was a historical process that happened not linearly, but as a result of the ongoing interaction between the different religions. As noted earlier, Heraka and TRC are indig­enous reform orders of the primal Hamai religion. Their primary source of religiosity and spirituality is primal beliefs. Almost all primal ways are upheld and appropriated in these two denominations with few reforms such as belief systems, rites and rituals, myths, reli­gious functionaries, and others. However, several elements are transformed and altered to make them relevant and applicable in the (post)modern Hamai community. Basically, they carried out the reform by taking various tenets of Christianity, Hinduism, and Islam (Roy 2013:77 and Kamei 2004:274, 1997:17). Hence, Jadonang reformed the primal Hamai religion by simplifying and relieving it by means of eliminating overloaded and exploited beliefs, gennas, and practices.

Remarkably there is a distinction between Heraka and TRC in the understanding of god/s. Heraka emphasises monotheism as the impact of other religions such as Christianity and Islam (see Kamei 2004:276). In contrast, TRC believes in polytheism (Kamei 2012) a continuation of primal religion. Polytheism is the primary tenet in primal religion; it ven­erates different gods, namely Tingwang (the Supreme Being), demigods like Charawang, Puichamiu, Charatingrangpui, Asa, Mang, and others; nevertheless, the reformed move­ments at the core have shifted from polytheism to monotheism. They emphasise the worship of Tingwang, the Ultimate Reality. Here, Jadonang discarded the ritual and sacrificial prac­tices invoking demigods, but allowed such performances to the Supreme God, Tingwang. However, his concept of the Supreme Being included god, his consort and their children (Roy 2013:77).

Primal religion reformed from polytheistic to monotheism is a clear indication of reli­gious impact from other religions such as Christianity and Islam that uphold monotheism. In contrast, Heraka’s monotheism is not a pure monotheism; instead, it is only a perspective shift from gods to the Supreme God in order to eliminate all the overburdened and exhaus­tive rites, rituals, and sacrifices. As in the words of Roy, “Heraka today believe in only one supreme god, do not perform any sacrificial ritual, abstain from beef-eating, believe in cleanliness (purity/pollution), sin and virtues, karma and rebirth, and have a clear concept of heaven and hell, etc.” (Roy 2013:77).

The origin of Heraka and TRC is traced back to Jadonang coming into contact with god Bisnu (Puichamiu in Liangmai) at the Bhuvan cave in the present-day Cachar District of Assam (Kamei 2021:1). The name ‘Bisnu’ might be a corrupt name derived from Hindu god Vishnu and Liangmai name Puichamiu²⁵. The name Bisnu connotes one of the demigods of the primal Hamai religion. It was at Bhuvan cave where the god revealed Jadonang (Pamei 2001:39). Later, Gaidinliu too acquired god’s blessings like her predecessor Jadonang at the same location (Dangmei 2018). Ajailiu Niumai narrates, “She [Gaidinliu] went to the cave with some village elders where she was given some cups of healing water from the cave” (Niumai 2018:353). This spatio-spiritual transformation had led to the notion of holy land/ site in Heraka and TRC just as Jerusalem for Jews and Christians, Varanasi for Hindus, and Mecca for Muslims. As highlighted above, traditionally, primal religion does not have any specific location as holy or sacred. As for this religion, the whole world is sacred, and every place is holy and consecrated to worship the divine. Apart from the holy site, the impor­tance attached to the water from the Bhuvan cave is similar to the Christian understanding of the holy water of baptism and the blood of Jesus Christ in the Holy Communion and the sacred water of the Ganges for the Hindus.

In any primal religion of the world, there is no founder. This primal vision is traced back to the origin of the primordial world and civilisation. Therefore, there is no idolisation and glorification of any single person. The popularisation of the present notion of ‘religious founder’ is mainly in so-called reformed (reform of traditional tradition) religions, such as Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, and others. In the same vein, Heraka and Tingkao Ragwang, as reformed religious-social orders, identify their founder as Jadonang and Gaidinliu duo who popularised them. This view is in direct contrast to Hamai’s primal belief. The idea of hero-worship or veneration is popular in Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism, where Jesus Christ, Muhammad, and Buddha are esteemed, respectively. It is an undisputed fact that the popularisation of Jadonang and Gaidinliu by Heraka and TRC as opposed to the tenet of primal Hamai religion is associated with other religious founders and the significance of idolising someone as a uniting factor.

Tribal religions such as Characheng have no written scripture. For them, scripture means the oral tradition such as myths, incantations, songs, and the sacred voices of the world, nature, stars, mountains, and forests. All these entities are sacred, and they are the words of the Ultimate Reality. In contrast, all major religions have written scriptures. Here the influence of Christianity and other major religions can be felt in Heraka and TRC in the matter of scripture. In the recent past, Heraka had published a written scripture known as Hingde or Tingwang Hingde in Zeme and Tingkao Ragwang Hingde in Rongmei (Newme 1991 and Longkumer 2010:13). The word hingde means ‘rules governing everyday life’ (Longkumer 2010:13, 99). It is the scripture of Heraka order which was given to Jadonang and Gaidinliu at Bhuvan cave (Longkumer 2010:99), and later on, it was canonised as the holy book. In this regard, Longkumer comments, “Hingde is the divine rule that was given by Tingwang to Jadonang and Gaidinliu in Bhuvan cave... Hingde is an attempt to define authority, which is divine and seen as ‘orthopraxy’” (Longkumer 2010:13). Overall, it is to systematise and canonise the basic tenets of Heraka in order to teach and defend its spiritual orders. Today, they have canonical scripture as well as a set of religious liturgies, including songs, hymns, prayers, chanting, sermons, and others.

The concept of charuidih (land of the dead) has been Christianised in various manners in Heraka and Tingkao Ragwang. As noted earlier, charuidih is not heaven or hell, but it is only the land of the dead before their rebirth; therefore, the Heraka idea of charuidih and the newly constructed term Tingkao Kaidai, the abode of TRC as heaven-like or land without sorrow (Zeliang 2001:93-94) is an assertion of Biblical concepts. For Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak, it believes in the existence of heaven called ‘Tingkao Kaidai’, the abode of Tingkao Ragwang. Tradition opines that there is no suffering, pain, no jealousy, no con­flict; and everything is like the concept of heaven. It is also believed that only the righteous, who is free from sin in words and deeds, and by following the doctrines of the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak and performing great sacrifices such as Ragaidai, Bamjou Kimei, Muleng, Banru and Taraang will go to the land of the dead (see Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak 2002:63-65; Chaoba Kamson 2009:3; Kamei 2012:1). This concept is not according to the basic tenets of the primal Hamai religion; therefore, it could be an amalgamation of the Christian notion of heaven and other religions.

Primal religion did not have a particular place of worship like church (Christians) or temple (Hindus). For them, the whole world is a worship place, because the Supreme Being, Tingwang, created it. Therefore, as mentioned above, every location, mountain, cave, river, pond, house, morung, village gate, forest, farm area is the place of worship. However, the reformed groups, Heraka, and Tingkao Ragwang, have set up proper places of worship, known as kelumki or kalum kai, similar to all the major religions which have their worship places (see Kamei 2004:277). Thomas confirms, “Temples were not part of the traditional belief system, but were a structure that increasingly gained significance with the coming of Vaishnavism and Christianity in the neighbouring areas” (Thomas 2017:71). Budha Kamei delineates, “Kalum Kai, the house of worship was constructed for prayer cum religious congregation on every full moon day and every Sunday” (Kamei 2012, Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak). He adds, “There are twenty Kalum Kais in the three states of Assam, Manipur, and Nagaland. More Kalum Kai is expected to be constructed as it is a must to have a Kalum Kai in every traditional Zeliangrong village” (ibid. 2012). Regarding religious offices, today, TRC is managed like a church structure where leaders are selected to govern it (see Kamei 2004:277-279). One can observe that TRC is regulated by a religious author­ity called the Zeliangrong Religious Council, under which there are two important organs, namely: (1) the Executive Council, and (2) the Ecclesiastical Council. It is the Council that compiled and published the Ringlon Khatni Theilon (Rites of Passage), Noushonmei Kathek Karek (The Marriage System), and Thousumei Kashoi Kadam, which in the form of TRC Scripture (Kamei 2012:1). Such a religious institution and the construction of a temple for public worship is an essential requirement in the present age. Building of places of worship in Heraka and TRC traditions, the offshoot of Hamai religion is a historical development.

One of the culminations of Christianity on Heraka and TRC is the elimination of several kaniu-kari (gennas), niubo (taboos), and taniya (appeasing god(s) and spirits through ani­mal sacrifice). The impact of Christian teachings such as ‘Jesus sacrificed once and for all’, ‘Jesus the saviour of the world’, the name ‘Jesus has the power over demons, evil spirits, and satanic power’ etc. are an inspiration to Heraka and TRC to abolish several unethical prac­tices and beliefs such as war, evil eye, witchcraft, animal sacrifice, and more, in the Hamai Primal Religion. Today, the emphasis on Tingwang, the Supreme Being itself, is an indica­tion of rejecting appeasement, veneration, and sacrificial activities to other gods and spirits. In one way, Heraka and TRC have critically reformed the primal Hamai religion. There is more to realise, and the interaction between these religions promises more understanding, relationship, respect, and social harmony.