Conclusion

Change is certain and in such a situation, a community like the Idu Mishmi which hardly stands at about 15,000 souls in total is visibly negotiating with contemporary realities. With the flooding of greater religions in Arunachal Pradesh in general and in the Idu Mishmi inhabiting region in particular, many Idu Mishmi have converted either to Christianity or Hinduism and yet some sections are engaged in the process of revitalisation of traditional beliefs and practices.

These conversion and renewal movements of tribal people, basically in response to various outside elements, accommodate many new socio-religious transformations vis-à-vis new social formations. In the context of Arunachal Pradesh, the formation of All Arunachal Pradesh Abotani Nyibu (priest) Welfare Association (AAPANWA) is an example which is in response to negotiating with the new contemporary social realities relating to priests or shamans. In a similar way, the formation of the Idu Mishmi Cultural and Literary Society (ICLS) paved the way for many Idu Mishmi to deal with the new social challenges concerning the society. The institutionalised Donyi-Polo movement in the entire Siang belt is another example engaged in the process to revitalise the traditional belief system by incorporating various elements from greater religions such as Hindu and Christianity. Though such organised action is to encounter the conversion process and to preserve the tribal culture, it has added another essence of ideological ambiguity within the members of the concerned religious group. The formalisation of traditional Idu religion with Nani Innitayaism has also reflected a similar syndrome concerning the role played by an Igu.

Without any doubt, it can be maintained that Igus are the prime component of the Idu Mishmi religion and therefore their continuity is important for the existence of the Idu Mishmi religion itself.

There are various on-going movements happening now and then but still, such movements have to consider people’s psychic adjustment and avoid elements of imposition in the transitional social situation. Igus are indispensable both for the sociopolitical and religious aspects and for this reason they have the larger authority to establish a better and prosperous social environment. Their role is so intrinsic that no religious activity can be thought of without their involvement and guidance.

With the process of conversion, there are evidences where an Igu abandoned his traditional role after adopting Christian religion¹¹. With the advent of education, the Idu Mishmi are more open towards modern opportunities and there is a change in the attitude of educated Idu Mishmi leaving a tough challenge for the institution of Igu to co-exist with the preferred modern elements. The present Idu Mishmi generation are completely absorbed in the modern elements, especially in the urban area; few elders are negotiating in between traditional and modern elements and yet in the rural and remote region, people are comfortably living in the traditional system.

However, many Idu Mishmi intellectuals and reformists involved in community based organisations like IMCLS, AIMSU, NGOs, Associations, and many individuals, now and then, are restless in the quest to make a breakthrough for the preservation and continuity of the institution of the Idu Mishmi religion. Of course, the attempt at institutionalisation of Idu Mishmi religion could help bring a collective sense of the Idu Mishmi so that they may collectively represent as a single entity against any odds in the near future, but such efforts need a serious rethinking as discussed previously. As stated by Chaudhuri (2008:108), it seems that as long as village life exists, shamanism will continue to survive, though it is bound to introduce some modifications keeping in tune with emerging new socio-political transformations in Arunachal Pradesh which may lead to a ‘third order reality’ where one can find a combination of old and new elements of culture¹².

Notes

1 https://www.encyclopedia.com/science/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/tribal-reli- gions.

2 Lt. Loda Meto, 60 years old, male, had such a dream. He was an Igu from Mayu village, Roing. He migrated from Mihundo village to the Desali village and later to Mayu Vilage at Roing. In his younger days, he dreamt of planting kali (herb carried by Igu for healing) and egambo (cactus) in front of his house. The dream would repeat again and again. At the same time, unusual things began to happen with him. His nails would come off easily and new nails would reappear within two or three days. He fell ill for 7-8 months. Thereafter, he became an Igu. Another Igu, Lt. Pachu Dele, 55 years old, male of Abali village, saw an egambo tree and became inspired.

3 Shamanic dances (Igu Naya) are performed in a team of five members in some selective rituals like Amrase, Yah, Brocha, etc. TheIgu dance takes formation of circular or round, procession and linear in a swaying manner.

4 For example, Ipu-wu is a ritual for administering justice and this is undertaken through an elaborate ordeal system. They have a strong belief in the existence of supernatural forces that help in divulging the truth and separating the untruth. The decision making process of Igu associated with the ordeal system is called Ipu-wu, where the presence of an Igu is required for justification and settlement of incongruity between the aggrieved and the accused. The ordeal system is opted for when the property of an individual has been stolen and he suspects a person, then the second person prefers to prove his point through Ipu-wu. The case may be the other way round like adultery and the spread of false statements or rumour (Etho). The Igu is needed to bring out the truth. There are four types of ordeal:

1. holding the molten lead in the palm

2. holding the hot axe (or iron)

3. dipping the hands in the boiling water

4. eating the meat of the wild animal

The Igu curses and casts spells to divulge the truth and if the accused is innocent, then he comes out unharmed.

In the case of eating wild meat, the Igus cast spells on the accused and curse him to death, if he is guilty. The accused is fed the wild meat. If the accused is guilty then he has to die after four days of consumption of the meat. The ordeal can be performed by someone else on behalf of the accused or aggrieved as in the case of Naputi Misu of Hunli village. A brief case study is presented here:

Naputi Misu of Hunli village, faced ordeal on behalf of accused Anjo Misu. Ange Misu (aggrieved) accused her sister of stealing Rs.200/-, so to prove her point Anjo Misu called upon Igu Songe Mega, to perform Ipu-wu. She chose Naputi Misu to dip his hands in boiling water on her behalf. Later he came out unharmed. Ange Misu had to pay compensation of Rs.500/- to Anjo Misu and Nputi Misu. The chant of the Igu continues for an hour. There is no use of costumes or sacrifice. The person summoning Igu pays in kind, a fowl or a dao.

(Informant: Buke Miso, Male, 60 years old, of Hunli village. Date of interview: 22.12.2020)

5 This Abbelah may consist of two to three persons who are well versed in traditional knowledge and specialised in settling disputes through negotiation and mediation.

6 The role of Igu sometimes goes beyond the cultural boundaries. Late Gula Linggi (shaman) of Iduli village, Roing circle, was popular among the Nepalese and Assamese people of the region. He was often called upon for the performance of healing rituals, oaths and ordeals in relation to theft, disputes, etc.

7 With the conversion of people to other religions such as Christianity and Hinduism, construction of a church and temple has started in many Idu Mishmi villages like Mayu, Cheta, Koronu, Anini, Rukmo, Emuli, etc.

8 For example, the Adi, under the umbrella of Donyi-Polo Yelam Kebang, a voluntary organisation of the Adi, started professing Donyi-Polo (Sun and Moon) cult in an organised manner at Gangging similar toa place like temple, church, or monastery considering it as a central place for worship with written texts with numbers of sacred songs.

They have maintained regular prayer days on Saturday and Sunday every week and textualised their oral tradition to popularise such belief system. Almost in all the villages in the Siang belt, this formalised practice of Donyipoloism is observable. Incorporation of such ideas is primarily aimed to protect and preserve the traditional belief and practices. Such initiative and ideas do not spring out of nowhere, rather it is in response to encounter the process of conversion activities of tribal people by the missionaries and other similar agents. Such shielding efforts of the locals have again brought a new philosophical contradiction within the locals themselves. While working among the Adi Tangams of Tuting, Jedo, and Kugging villages of the Upper Siang District, the researcher witnessed the coming of Donyipoloism and Christianity entering maximum families but on the contrary, there are families who claimed that they are neither follower of Donyipolo cult nor Christianity. Interestingly for this section of people the ultimate Supreme Being remained Donyi and Polo (Sun and Moon) but not the institutionalised form of Donyipoloism based on a systematic pattern of propitiation. Such attitude of the people simply reflects the ideological contradictions within the followers of Donyipolo cult. Such is clearly visible even between the Christian and non-Christian followers in a given community.

9 In one occasion in 1997-1998 the first author himself witnessed a programme where some eminent personality of the Idu Mishmi community offered Hindu form/pattern of puja to the image of Nani Innitaya in the Rekho, the community hall, at Cheta Village, Roing, the District Headquarters of Lower Dibang Valley District.

10 The concept of Nani Innitaya is coined from the term Innitaya or Maselo Zenu (the sun) whom the Idu Mishmis regard as supreme god. This Sun god among the Idu mishmi is gender neutral, if we consider the views of shamans. However, in the process of institutionalisation of the Idu Mishmi religion, the prefix Nani meaning Mother is added to it, thus to give a feminine gender identity.

11 Andro Elapra of village Ashali, Roing Circle, abandoned his Iguship after conversion to Christian in the year 1998.

12 This was used by A.C. Bhagabati (2002:47-50) in order to explain emerging Arunachalee societies where one can find a combination of old and new elements of culture.

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Source: Behera Maguni C. (ed.). The Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Readings on Tribe and Religions in India: Emerging Negotiations. Routledge,2024. — 502 p.. 2024

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