Situating the Igu in the Nani Initaya Religious Movement of the Idu Mishmis

With the advent of various elements of the outside world such as post-colonial administra­tion, the process of modernisation, education, etc. the religious institution of most of the tribal communities of Arunachal Pradesh is undergoing change.

The Nani Innitaya movement has been initiated in the Idu Mishmi inhabiting region since the mid-1990s by various organisations such as the Idu Mishmi Cultural & Literary Society (IMCLS), All Idu Mishmi Students Union (AIMSU), with the involvement of Arunachal Vikas Parisad, a unit of Bharat Vikas Parisad, eminent local leaders, etc⁹. This movement aims at preserving the indigenous belief system, and has gradually given birth to the image of Supreme Creator Inni, which embodies the highest ethical conception reached by the Idu Mishmi with the conceptualisation of new terminology of Nani Innitaya¹⁰ and which is used to designate the Idu Mishmi religion. It adopts a similar pattern of Hindu form of religious attributions, such as propitiating the invented image of Inni, prayers with incense sticks, adoration of images with flowers, lighting of candles and diyas, etc. Today one may find an image of Nani Innitaya hung in Idu Mishmi houses which suggest the impact of the movement, though not at a large scale.

Such movements are also well reflected in many writings. It is interesting to note how Hindu legends are linked up with the Idu Mishmi culture. Singh (1995:16), highlighting the Rukmini legend, informs that “The Idu Mishmis bear the mark of punishment inflected on them by Krishna himself because they had opposed his marriage with Rukmini. The story suggests that the Idu Mishmis followed the Bhishmak tradition through centuries This narrative suggests Rukmini as a descendant of the Idu Mishmi tribe to whom Lord Krishna married. However, it is hard to find mention of Rukmini or Krishna in any form in the oral narratives of the tribe. If there had been any linkage, then there should have been some ritualistic attribution, folklore or folktale, myth, etc, in the chanting of shaman relating to such linkage. But such elements are completely absent in the Idu Mishmi culture. This is precisely the way through which Hinduised ideas are linked with the Idu Mishmi; it is also evident through the invented images of Nani Innitaya.

Locating the Igu’s position in the institutionalisation form of Idu Mishmi religion, it reveals many conundrums and ambiguity. This movement does not undertake any consid­eration for the institution of the shaman. The Igu takes a position in between the human and supernatural world as a mediator and negotiator and there is no possible way of direct contact between human and supernatural forces, but only through an Igu. For example, if someone falls sick, Igu detects the cause and relates it to some unseen forces or spirits.

tution of shaman (Igu) on the other hand cannot be looked at as two sets of independent institutions; rather they are dependent and interwoven in a single institution called religion. The institution of the shaman and their role is found absent in the institutionalised form of the Idu Mishmi religion. Of course, the role of Igu in the institutionalised form of religion cannot be projected similar to the role played by a priest or a pandit in the greater Hindu religion, but for the continuity of the Idu Mishmi religion in any form, the continuity of the institution of shaman is important.

The quest to preserve and to continue the shamanic practice in the Idu Mishmi soci­ety has now become a core agenda of the Idu Mishmi Cultural and Literary Society (IMCLS).

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