CONCLUSION: ON SEEING AND BELIEVING

It was only a later development, under Ammisaduqa and Samsuditana, that reports were written for private clients; only in the Kassite period that we first find extispicy in school curricula.

• first, a third-millennium southern tradition of extispicy used within the old Sumerian temple-cities for the selection of cultic personnel, a procedure which was not committed to text but existed as a local, heterodox, and orally transmitted craft down into the nineteenth century;¹⁴⁸

• second, the nineteenth/eighteenth-century appropriation of that craft tradition by newer, north-Babylonian courts at Esnunna, Babylon, Mari, and Larsa,¹⁴⁹ entextualized in liver models and compendia, a new techne redeveloped in the context of Mesopotamian state struggle;¹⁵⁰

• third, a gradual, Late Old Babylonian (seventeenth century) and Kassite-period re-transmission of this codified extispicy as an epistemic form of knowledge, represented newly within the scribal curriculum through school texts^[150] and in civil society through extispical reports for private clients.^[151]

Assuming for the moment that these stages represent fundamentally different uses of the same technology, we see not a unitary science of extispicy under a single process of gradual development, but three extispicies, each developed and put to its own end. In Kuhnian terms, the first and third stages were paradigms, the second revolutionary. Since all three stages may also be located within the Old Babylonian period itself — four centuries long, no small timeframe! — we are looking at a perfect illustration of how periodization can sometimes mislead our thinking.

Do we do an injustice to divination to locate its compositional moments and purposes so precisely? After all, the system of omina ranks among the greatest signatures of Mesopotamian intellectual life. To see its composition determined by political exigencies will strike some as mechanical and reductive, eroding the “conceptual autonomy” of Mesopotamian culture, or failing to appreciate the emic sensibility of ancient beliefs and practices in needing a “practi­cal” explanation. Yet what I argue for is to see a venerable and respected tradition from one time and place, borrowed and reconfigured in highly sophisticated ways in later times and other places. Mesopotamian kings drafted liver divination into service not simply because it was legitimate (all such knowledges propagated by political actors are legitimizing, so this is truistic) — not because it was infallible or irreducible (the question of belief cannot anyway be proved) — nor because it was mere political legerdemain — but because it offered them another choice, a “third way” between traditional kingship and rule by naked force, bases of legitimacy which were, now, equally shaky in this time of prolonged warfare. A strictly historicist and minimalist survey of the temporal and geographic evidence permits this read­ing without having to see any one period through the eyes of another. “Historicizing” has to require the interrogation of all documentary classes, all texts analyzed, questioned, doubted; “context” must be established without recourse to projection of fragmentary evidence generi­cally and periodically, as if the distribution of what is recovered were purely circumstantial.

No form of human inquiry is autogenetic; since no form of knowledge is unconstructed, composition need not be at odds with belief when historical change occurs over time. As it came to be, seeing wasn’t believing — but believing in seeing was believing.

and away the client most commonly identified in the compendia: the king. Reports thus constitute a differ­ent form of use for extispicy, marking its emergence into civil-social use only well after the era of warring states had come to an end.

APPENDIX 1

Mesopotamian year-names referring to priestly nominations via sheep omens.^a

AKKAD:

Naram-Sin: “o” variants: en/nin.dingir en.lil; “ll”: en ^dnanna.

LAGAS II:

Ur-Ningirsu I: “a”: sita-ab.ba; “b”: lu.mah ^dba.u; “c”: isib ^dnin.gir.su / nin. dingir ^diskur.*

Gudea: 19: lu.mah ^dinanna.^b

Pirigme: “a”: en nina^kl; “f”: isib ^dnin.gir.su.

UR III:

Ur-Namma: “d”: en ^dinanna unugk; “h”: en ^dnanna; “j”: nin.dingir ^diskur.

Sulgi: 15 and 43: both en ^dnanna.

Amar-Sin: 4: en ^dnanna.

Ibbi-Sin: 2: en ^dinanna; 10: en ^dnanna / ^dinanna*; 11: en ^denki eriduk.^c

ISIN:

Isbi-Erra: 13: en.gaba ^dinanna; 22: en.bàra an.na.

Iddin-Dagan: 3: nin-dingir ^diskur; 5: en ^dinanna; 8: nin.dingir ^dnin.kilim.

Isme-Dagan: “a”: en ^dnanna; “e”: en ^den.lil.

Lipit-Istar: “g”: en ^dnin.gublalaga urik.

Damiq-ilisu: 4: lu.mah ^dnin.ì.si.ink.

LARSA:

Gungunum: 6: en ^dutu.

Abisare: 10: en ^dutu.

^a This index compiles exempla of Frayne 1993; 1997; and 1990; Edzard 1997; and the year-names Web site of the CDLI project (http://cdli.ucla.edu/tools/ yearnames/yn_index.html). Pains have been taken to ensure that multiple listings are not presented here, but the designations of individual year-names (es­pecially where their order remains unknown) has

inclined toward the CDLI site in the interests of clar­ity.

^b A fragmentary year-name of Gudea may also be a nomination: mu nin.dingir [...] (Edzard 1997: 27).

^c Unusually, this year-name identifies the nominee's previous position as sita-priest of Ibbi-Sin.

SETH F. C. RICHARDSON

APPENDIX 2

“Omens” from Jacobsen 1987 misunderstood as “extispicies.”

Th. Jacobsen’s oft-cited The Harps That Once... (1987) remains the most popular transla­tions of Sumerian poetry. Yet what Jacobsen often translates as “omen,” “diviner,” or “divina­tion,” however, and then annotates as an extispical procedure, are either explicitly or probably non-extispical. This list of six passages from that work serves as an example of this defini­tional drift, not an exhaustive study:

1. In “Dumuzi’s Dream,” lines 17-25, Gestinanna is said to “know the writings” (Alster 1972: 55, “tablet-knowing”), but this is for the interpretation of a dream omen, not a liver omen.

2. The so-called “Eridu Genesis” was specifically understood by Jacobsen (1987: 145) to make reference to a liver divination, but this is apparently a confusion of ki-azag (= amutu, the pure or precious metal) for amutu “liver”; cf. Poebel (1914: 13, 17 line 9': ki-azag-ga), who made no translation suggesting extispicy.

3. Jacobsen (1987: 290 and n. 30) more emphatically connects an epithet of Enki in “Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta,” to the (supposedly extispical) omen readings for the appointment of en-priests, translating “sagacious omen-revealed lord of Eridu.” Vanstiphout’s (2003: 65) translation, however, makes better sense of gestug-ge pad-da (line 153) as “chosen for wis­dom” — and avoids the logical fallacy of a god said to be chosen by men through omens!

4. In the “Hymn to Enlil,” Jacobsen’s translation of line 56 (e-a en-bi e-da mu-a) is “the en-priest was a diviner,” but the term for diviner there is mu, a kind of disputant seer, not a liver-omen diviner. Falkenstein (1960: 21) gave the altogether different “Der Herr des Hauses ist mit dem Haus zusammen grofigeworden.”

5.

6. Jacobsen’s (1987: 271; as van Dijk 1983: 145) translation of line 712 in “Lugal-e” men­tions “the preeminent tablets, with series (with the rites of) enship and kingship” — but the closest indication of any divinatory pratice of Nidaba indicates only that she read stars (line 726), not livers.

ABBREVIATIONS

AHw W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch

ARM Archives Royales de Mari

CAD A. Leo Oppenheim et al., editors, The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute

of the University of Chicago

CDLI Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative (Web site: cdli.ucla.edu)

ETCSL Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature

(Web site: www-etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk/)

OBE Jeyes 1989

PSD Ake W. Sjoberg, editor, The Sumerian Dictionary of the University Museum of the

University of Pennsylvania

TCL Textes cuneiformes du Louvre

VS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der Koniglichen Museen zu Berlin

YOS 10 Goetze 1947a

SETH F. C. RICHARDSON

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