Conclusions: Landscape and Memory in Late Antique Hermopolis

Toponyms are a notoriously conservative cultural product; as such, they allow memory to become fixed at particular points in a given landscape.⁷² At Hermopolis, this persistence of memory is exemplified by the use of the term ‘Citadel’ to describe the sacred precinct of the Thoth temple over a period of nearly a thousand years; similarly, at Oxyrhynchus, the ‘Quarter of the Dromos of Serapis’ preserved the memory of that city’s Serapeum for several centuries after the cessation of cult practices there.⁷³ However, the shifting toponymic landscape at Hermopolis reflects the loss of memory as well, seen most clearly in the transition from ‘the Citadel of Hermes Trismegistos’ to ‘the Citadel’ tout court.

As the Hermopolite Repair Papyrus attests, the Antonine transformation of the city centre was profound; it seems from both the archaeological and the documentary evidence that the fifth-century Christian alterations to the urban fabric were no less significant, affecting not only the physical fabric of the metropolis but also the mental framework through which its inhabitants perceived it. The conversion of prominent civic monuments could leave a long memory, as the example of the Alexandrian Caesareum attests.⁷⁴ The pagan origins of that structure, converted in the mid-fourth century to serve as the seat of the Alexandrian bishop, were still remembered as late as the seventh­century Chronicle of John of Nikiu, which has the philosopher Hypatia dragged off to her death at ‘the great church, named Caesarion’.⁷⁵ The identity of the Hermopolite Caesareum seems to have remained in local memory even longer, if the proposed dating of P.Lond.Copt.

Notes

1 The terms ‘pagan’ and ‘paganism’ are used here for the sake of convenience, but they are not unproblematic, suggesting as they do the existence of a unified or monolithic belief system encompassing all religious practices outside the Judaeo-Christian tradition. Although Christian sources from Late Antiquity sometimes sought to convey this impression, it is not necessarily an accurate reflection of the historical situation. Further on this terminology and its limitations, see Cameron 1991: 121-2. More recently, see Dijkstra 2008: 16-18.

2 Assmann 2006: 85-6.

3 This balance may be shifting, however; cf. O’Connell 2007, which deals with the reuse of funerary architecture by Egyptian ascetics on both physical and symbolic grounds; the essays collected in Hahn, Emmel and Gotter 2008 are similarly sensitive to the distinction between physical landscapes, revealed by archaeology, and mental landscapes, accessible mainly through textual sources.

4 The precise chronological parameters of the period commonly referred to as ‘Late Antiquity’ are a matter of ongoing discussion. I follow Wilfong (2002: xx- xxi) in extending the upper limit of this period past the Arab conquest of Egypt and into what might be considered ‘early Islamic’ on political grounds.

5 See Tilley 1994 on the functions of toponyms.

6 The power of place names to preserve cultural memory is eloquently described in Basso 1996.

7 The contestation of toponyms in modern North American society is described in Monmonier 1995 and 2006; Monmonier 2006 in particular provides an excellent demonstration of how changing social mores (in this case, greater sensitivity to issues of race and gender) can result in widespread toponymic change.

Cf. Worp 2004: 233 and 242. A detailed, if not always cogent, discussion of streets, districts and neighbourhoods in late antique Egyptian cities is given in Alston 2002: chapter 3; serious caveats are noted in Bagnall 2003.

Papyri are cited throughout according to Oates et al. 2011.

Generally on terminology for real estate in the papyri, see Luckhard 1914; Husson 1983.

For the typical format of a Ptolemaic Demotic sale document, see Manning 2003: 212-17.

The format of this location-clause has been discussed in the major studies of Coptic sale documents and rental agreements; see Boulard 1912: 26; Richter 2002b: 146. Both Boulard and Richter note that the location-clause also appears in the Greek counterparts to the Coptic documents they discuss, and the formal link between the Greek and Coptic sale documents is further stressed in Varenbergh 1949: 163-86. Further on Greek rental contracts, see Müller 1985. Generally on the question of continuity between Demotic and Coptic legal documents, see Richter 2002b: chapter 5, ‘Innere Kontinuität?’.

Pestman 1993: 385-9.

Pestman 1993: 390-400.

Generally on the naming of streets and districts in Roman Oxyrhynchus, see Rink 1924; Krüger 1990: 73-100; Whitehorne 1995: 3053; Daris 2000.

On the dating of this document, see Till 1964: 102.

For the archaeology of the Greco-Roman period, cf. in particular Roeder 1959; Wace, Megaw and Skeat 1959; Spencer 1989; Bailey 1991.

See Roeder 1959: IV §3-4.

For an introduction to the Coptic documents from Hermopolis, see Vycichl in Roeder 1959: IV §47-55.

A brief overview of the site’s long history is provided in Kessler 1977 and 2001; Alston 2002: 238-42 deals with the renovations of the second century ad; van Minnen 2004: 162-7 focuses on the visible Greco-Roman remains.

Thoth temple: Spencer 1989: 71-3; Ptolemaic complex: Wace, Megaw and Skeat 1959.

Spencer 1989: 76-7.

On the administrative reshuffling of the fourth and fifth centuries, cf. Keenan 2001: 612-15.

Bailey 1991; van Minnen 2004: 163-4.

On the intersection of classical and Egyptian architecture and forms of urban organization in Hermopolis, see Bowman 1992: 495-503; McKenzie 2007: 158-60.

26 Hermopolis as a bishopric: Timm 1984: 198, with reference to Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. VI.46.2.

27 Arsinoe: see Daris 2001; Oxyrhynchus: see Kruger 1990; Daris 2000; Westerfeld (forthcoming).

28 Schmitz 1921: 6-10; Alston 2002: 131-2.

29 Roeder (1959: 105) notes that the bipartite division of the city between the walled Citadel area to the north and the open City area to the south dates to back the Pharaonic period. Although Schmitz (1921: 6) could not be certain whether the Citadel was in the northern or the southern part of the city, this toponym has since been identified with the area enclosed by the temenos wall of the Late Period Thoth temple complex; see Roeder 1959: 105-7; Bailey 1991: 57; Alston 2002: 131; van Minnen 2004: 163. Schmitz (1921: 9) notes on the basis of BGU III 1002.5-6 (55 bc) that the division of the Citadel into eastern and western sectors seems to date to the late Ptolemaic period; the designation of these sectors as amphoda, however, appears to be a Roman innovation, first attested in the second half of the first century ad (e.g. P.Heid. IV 338.7-8, ad 62).

30 See Schmitz 1921: 7-9. Alston (2002: 132) notes that ‘the size of the amphoda limited their usefulness as topographical indicators and street names were frequently used to increase the precision of descriptions of location, though these street names were not legally required’.

31 Schmitz 1921: 7. The use of the term λαύρα in Greek documents changed over time and might at different times designate either a street or a larger district, so it is difficult to know whether the ’Ιουδαϊκής λαύρα properly represents a ‘Jewish Quarter’ or a ‘Jewish Street’ within the city of Hermopolis.

32 Gascou 1983b: 226-8.

33 Daniel 1984: 85-6. Alston (2002: 262) suggests that this text shows ‘a contrast between the grandiose “front” of the city with its Classical order and the rather freer “back” with more alleys and passageways than avenues’.

34 The bulk of our information about Antinoe Street comes from the so-called ‘Repair Papyrus’ of ad 264 (PVindob.Gr. 12565 = SB X 10299), which details the cost of repairs to be made to a number of public buildings along the street; further on this document and its relevance for the reconstruction of the Roman city, see Schmitz 1933; Drew-Bear 1984 and 2007; van Minnen 2002. Although Άντινοιτική πλατεία is typically rendered in English as ‘Antinoe Street', the translation ‘Antinoe Avenue' or ‘Boulevard' might more accurately reflect the distinction between πλατεία and, e.g. δρόμος or ρύμη.

On the possible equivalence of Serapis Street and Antinoe Street, see Schmitz in Roeder 1959: IV §28d; Bailey 1991: 59. Lewis (1983: 38) suggests that the commemorative renaming of the street in honour of Antinous/Antinoopolis may have been carried out on the initiative of Hadrian himself.

Spencer 1989: 74-5. See also Pensabene 1995: 213-14.

Spencer 1989: 74.

Spencer 1989: 77.

Churches dedicated to the Archangel Gabriel and to Saint Menas are attested in P.Lond.Copt. 1100, a list of Hermopolite churches discussed in greater detail below.

On diachronic change in the theophoric toponyms from late antique Oxyrhynchus, see Westerfeld (forthcoming).

On the toponymy of Hermopolis in the Islamic period, see Grohmann 1939: 211-14.

Roeder 1959: 105-7; Bailey 1991: 57; Alston 2002: 131; van Minnen 2004: 162-3. The construction of the temenos wall is described in a biographical inscription from the tomb of Petosiris, the High Priest of Thoth responsible for its construction: ‘I made an enclosure around the park, lest it be trampled by the rabble, for it is the birthplace of every god, who came into being in the beginning... I made a solid work of the wall of Khmun's temple, to gladden the heart of my lady Nehmetaway, when she sees this work everyday.' Trans. Lichtheim 1980: 47.

Interestingly, whereas at Jeme the Greek term phrourion was supplanted in Late Antiquity by the essentially synonymous Latin loan-word kastron, the latter was never adopted in reference to the Hermopolite temenos wall.

Grohmann (1939: 212) notes that the Arabic papyri from the early Islamic period also preserve the fourfold division of the city known from the Roman and late antique papyri.

Alston 2002: 131.

Spencer 1989: 76. Spencer suggests that the abandonment of the Thoth temple and its sacred precinct proceeded more or less directly from proscription of pagan sacrifice by Theodosius I in ad 391 and the order for the destruction of pagan temples by Theodosius II and Valentinian III in ad 435 (Cod.Theod. 16.10.11 and 16.10.25). Although recent scholarship indicates that the process of temple abandonment was not always so linear (see Hahn, Emmel, and Gotter 2008), the rapid infilling of the Thoth temple and its enclosure, together with the presence of fifth-century remains deposited directly atop the pavement of the Late Period temple, does point to the rapid desacralization of the temple and its environs fairly early in the fifth century.

47 Spencer 1989: 76; Alston 2002: 131-2.

48 On the assessment of the diagraphon in early Islamic Egypt, see Morimoto 1981: 64-5; Hussein 1982: 59-68; Gascou 1983a: 101-3.

49 Timm 1984: 206. On the introduction of paper and the use of Arabic in early Islamic Egypt, see Sijpesteijn 2009: 453 and 459-60 respectively.

50 On the practice of identifying Christian cult-places solely by the names of their titular saints, see Papaconstantinou 2001: 268; she cites the example of MIX(XHX) enepne.

51 Crum 1905: 460. Further on the provenance of the text, see Vycichl in Roeder 1959: IV § 53; Timm 1984: 206.

52 Timm (1984: 217, no. 43) suggests an eighth-century date for P.Ryl.Copt. 138. Although Hermopolis is not explicitly identified as the location of the church in this text, the author of the inventory identifies himself as a resident of that city (lines 64-5). Further on P.Ryl.Copt. 138, see Leclerq 1926: 1396-418.

53 P.Sorb. II 69 refers several times (lines 36.A.5, 47.B.1.11, 68.A.2.8, 79.2.28) to a church ‘of Saint Theodore άγορέων’, and ‘the holy church των άγορέων’ is attested in SB VI 9284.4 (ad 553). In reference to the latter text, Wipszycka (1972: 47) takes άγορέων as a writing of άγοραίων and translates ‘of the market-folk (des gens du marche)’. Gascou (1983b: 58) suggests that this should perhaps be taken in a geographic sense as a reference to the agora itself, but he also notes that a street of the άγοραιοι is also attested for late antique Hermopolis, and he concludes that this creates ‘une difficulte pour le moment insoluble’.

54 Abu Salih refers to Hermopolite churches dedicated to Saints George, Menas, Michael and Gabriel, as well as to the Virgin Mary. See Evetts 1895: fol. 77a, 90b and 104a.

55 The existence of an agora in Hermopolis down to the Fatimid period is attested papyrologically in an eleventh-century Coptic document that refers to the flooding of the agora; cf. CPR II 1.11 (ad 1017/8-1019/20); Vycichl in Roeder 1959: IV §53B. On the purported location of the agora, see Schmitz 1921: 18-19; and 1931: 409-12; Roeder 1959: IV §30a-d and IV §72d.

See Wace, Megaw and Skeat 1959.

Bailey 1991: 58.

Roeder 1959: IV §29d. It should be noted that the Caesareum of Hermopolis was not the only structure of its kind to have been adapted for Christian reuse in late antique Egypt; P.Mert. I 41, an early fifth-century document from Oxyrhynchus, mentions a presbyter ‘of the holy church of the Caesareum' (‘της αγίας έκκλησίας του Καισαρ(είου)', line 12) in that city, and P.Oxy. LXVII 4620 (fifth/sixth century ad), a list of offerings to Christian institutions in Oxyrhynchus, includes the entry ‘for the Upper Caesareum, 30 artabas' (‘εις το Άνω Καισάρειον (άρτάβαι) λ', lines 16-17), probably in reference to the same establishment.

Crum 1939: 298b.

Lanczkowski in Roeder 1959: IV §56-63.

For example, PKRU. 3.73. Cf. Wilfong 2002: 12.

I.Philae II 200 and 203; cf. Dijkstra 2008: 221.

Cf. Bagnall 2008: 32-3.

Cf. Ward-Perkins 2003.

Wace, Megaw and Skeat 1959; Baranski 1996; Torok 2006.

Bailey 1991: 46-53; Grossmann and Bailey 1994.

Grossmann and Bailey 1994: 68-9.

Baranski 1996: 102. Torok (2006: 249) notes that ‘architectural elements [from the Ptolemaic complex] were reused in the substructure of the basilica in a remarkably fine condition, suggesting that the Ptolemaic edifices in the temenos remained intact until the very moment when they were pulled down in order to make room for the Christian basilica which was to be built from their stones and in their place'.

Torok 2006: 249-50.

Torok 2006: 254.

This possibility cannot be excluded, however. There is, to date, no concrete evidence identifying the dedicatee of either the great basilica or the South Church. On the basis of an inscription in the baptismal font of the South Church, Grossmann and Bailey (1994: 64) have tentatively suggested that the church may have been dedicated to a Saint John, and the basilica has been put forth as the likely location of the episcopal seat (see Torok 2006: 247, no. 2), but both of these remain speculative.

Cf. Monmonier 2006: 147.

See Westerfeld (forthcoming).

74 On the conversion of that monument, cf. Haas 1997: 283-4; McKenzie 2007: 242-4.

75 John of Nikiu, Chronicle, LXXXIV.101; the construction and later conversion of the Caesareum is recounted in LXVI 8-10. Trans. Charles 1916.

76 Monmonier 2006: 148.

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