Part ii: From Nature to Ghayb
Stars move—air is changed then inhaled, coursing in the body through the soul. In the early Middle Ages, medicine was viewed as a science of body and soul. Employing the Galenic description of the physical spirits or pneumas, the translator and physician Qusta Ibn Luqa (820-912), in his text Fl al-farq baina al-ruh wa al-nafs (On the Difference between the Spirit and the Soul), distinguishes between the spirit (ruh) and the soul (nafs).
The first is divided into vital and animal spirits or pneumas, the former is distributed in the body by the heart through the veins, giving life, breath and pulse. The latter is distributed by the brain through the nerves; understanding, thought, opinion and distinction belong to it.[901] [902] [903] [904] [905] [906] [907] [908] [909] [910] [911] Ibn Luqa then asserts that the spirit is a substance that is very vaperous and thin, which can exist only within the body and therefore is corruptible and mortal^2 Moreover, it is the medium between body and soul.53 As for the soul, Ibn Luqa gives it a superior nature and higher origin. He describes it as an essence and the “first perfection of the natural mechanical animal”54—essence because it is immaterial and incorporeal, and perfection because it is the source and realization of actuality.55 The soul is also the first cause, incorruptible and immortal, and the unmoving mover of the body.56The physician Ishaq ibn ‘Ali al-Ruhawi asserts in Adab al-tabib (The Ethics of the Physician) that “the physician is ajudge of souls and bodies.”57 He explains that an imbalance or disturbance to the soul leads to physical disease^8 This view is expanded in a statement made by al-Majusi in Kamil al-sinaca:
The mind cannot be without the health of the rational soul.
The health of the rational soul cannot be without the health of the animal pneuma. The animal pneuma cannot be without the health of the natural pneuma. These two cannot be sound without the health of the body and the health of the body cannot be without humoral balance^9He adds that the animal and natural pneumas absorb the air by a power given to them by the soul.60 He later adds that the changes in the air, which lead to a disordered physical state, are caused by the motion of the celestial bodies.61 So the microcosmic triad of soul, spirit and body are entwined, reflecting the interlinking between the stars, the mediating celestial souls, bodies and humours.
In the eleventh century, however, we begin to observe a leaning towards an occupational split between medicine and metaphysics in practice and theory. The physician Abu SaTd Ibn Bakhtishu' refutes the opinion that physicians should not care about the psychological wellbeing of their patients. He writes in Risala flal-tibb (Epistle on Medicine): “each of the soul and body is a part of the animal, not in the same way, as the soul is the noblest part of the animal inasmuch as [it is responsible for] governance (riyasa) and mastery (siyada) and the body is its best part inasmuch as it is a machine, slave and a servant of the soul [...] the soul carries the body and the body is carried by the soul.”[912] His Epistle was composed as a response to a request to address a debate that broke out in 1037 in Basra about the relationship between philosophy and medicine[913] [914] The tendency to dissociate between soul and body, philosophy and medicine, had been established by Ibn Sina who died in that same year. In his Qanun fl al-tibb (Canon of Medicine) the soul—nafs—is considered irrelevant to the aetiology of disease and the effects of air on the physical state: The air is an element necessary for us and our spirits [arwah], and in addition [to being] an element [necessary] to our bodies and spirits, it is their supporter delivering our spirits, and it is the cause of their restoration [...] and we have shown what we mean by the spirit/pneuma [ruh] before and we do not mean by it what the metaphysicians call the soul [nafs].64 According to Ibn Sina, the soul is the principal source of existence (mabda ’ wujudl) but not a particular cause of illness with demonstrative proofs [915] [916] However, even though he refuted astrology,66 when Ibn Sina assumes the role of the metaphysician we encounter a definition of the soul in terms similar to Qusta ibn Luqa’s; it is the essence, the perfection and governor of the body.[917] [918] [919] [920] [921] [922] [923] But it is also in the capacity of the metaphysician and philosopher that we encounter Ibn Sina’s exposition on the celestial souls. One of the major repercussions of this is the loss of the natural/astral ontology of ruhaniyyat in favour of supernatural entities that interact with humans either to harm or to cure them. The efflorescence of Sufism towards the twelfth and thirteenth centuries transformed the nature of the ruhaniyyat from powers of a single ontological origin, i.e. the celestial world, into intelligent beings emerging from inaccessible mysterious dimensions. This becomes evident as we look at the works of the prominent occultist Shihab al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Ali ibn Yusuf al-Buni (d. c. 1225)?2 Unfortunately not a lot is known about al-Buni’s life but evidence suggests that he was Ifriqiyan and had taken instructions by Sufi masters?3 He had a reputation as a worker of miracles whose prayers were always answered and considered by some as a saint.[924] [925] [926] [927] [928] [929] He has written several treatises on the occult science of lettrism that correlates Arabic abjad letters with the emanative hierarchy of the universe?5 The mastery of these letters benefits the operator spiritually and also magically. 76 The circulation and influence of his works were first restricted to Sufi disciples and closed auditions. By the fourteenth century they became better known outside these circles and from there grew in popularity^ However, the fame of al-Buni today rests on the popular printed editions of a work known as Shams al-macarlf al-kubra (The Sun of Knowledge, the Larger Version), which is actually a compilation of al-Bunian occult practices produced in the seventeenth century?8 Nevertheless, it made him one of the most recognized authors on magic and lettrism in the Islamic world. There are many other titles questionably attributed to al-Buni but a widely copied and consistent text known as Shams al-macarif wa lata’if al-'awarif (The Sun of Knowledge and the Secrets of Gnosis), formed the basis of The Larger Version. This text contains anachronisms which could possibly be interpolations by students, but it can still be “most directly attributed to al-Buni”?9 This work represents a comprehensive attempt to systematize and formalize Islamic magic in the medieval period.[930] [931] In Shams al-macarif al-kubra, it is explained that the book and the rituals therein resulted from a “withdrawal of the cover of al-ghayb^ In the Qur'an, particularly in the chapter called The Jinn, we read that God “the Knower of the Unseen [al-ghayb] is He! He discloses his Unseen to no one, save to whomever He pleases.”8[932] [933] Al-ghayb is the realm to which angels, Jinn, and other ruhaniyyat belong. In the magical texts of the thirteenth century and onwards, the nature of these ruhaniyyat becomes less clear and stable; words, letters, magical squares and verses from the Qur'an have ruhaniyyat33 For example, in Shams al-macarif wa lata’if al-cawarf it is explained that the first lunar mansion known as al-Nath has an angel (malak) called Simsa'tl who is related to a ruhaniyya called Israfil, and both correspond with alif, the first letter of the abjad. Under this mansion aggressive spells can be made for causing physical and mental distress including headaches[934] Another method for causing illness through a ruhaniyya is provided in the same text using the seven consonants that do not appear in the first chapter of the Qur'an (Al-Fatiha'). It comes with a long prayer to God to permit some ruhaniyyat to do the operator’s bidding[935] The interchangeability of angels and ruhaniyyat, and the ‘Islamization’ of the latter, has been achieved in different ways one of which can be seen in Al-Kitab al-shamil wa al-bahr al-kamil, a magical encyclopedia attributed to the grammarian Abu Ya'qub Yusuf al-Sakkaki (1160-1229). Another characteristic of the practices that evolved from the de-naturali- sation of magic is the use of Qur'anic verses; a method that was even used to cause harm. In Tartlb al-daWdt (The Order of Prayers), a text falsely attributed to al-Buni,88 we find magical operations for causing diseases that employ verses of the Qur’an. For example, the following verse from the chapter known as Muddathir can be used: We assigned only angels to rule over the Fire, and made their tally to be only an ordeal to the unbelievers, that those granted Scripture may grow certain, and the believers may increase in belief, and that neither those granted Scripture nor the believers should be in doubt, and that they in whose hearts is sickness, and the unbelievers too, might say: ‘What did God intend by this as a parable?' Thus does God lead astray whom He wills, and guides whom he wills[939] It is not clear if it should be written or recited but it is accompanied by the following set of instructions: add three scoops by three fingers of the foot track of the person one wishes to curse (in this context it cannot be something owned by the victim) to the same amount of ant soil, ash of furnaces, or that of mills. So, the knowledge of ruhaniyyat, Jinn, angels, and aggressive and beneficial powers of the Qur'an has become revelatory and mystical. The efficacy of this operation cannot be explained by any natural process, unlike the magic of the Ghayat al-haklm for example. Spiritual aetiology is pushed further from medicine and is placed firmly in the domains of religion and/or subversive occultism. The culmination of the theoretical divorce between medicine/natural philosophy and magic can be witnessed further in the thirteenth- and fourteenthcentury debate on the causes of the plague. Between the years 541 and 749, the plague hit the Mediterranean repeatedly[942] [943] [944] According to the Graeco-Roman interpretation, corrupted miasmas are absorbed by the body causing the contraction of the plague. In the ninth century, astronomer, mathematician and physician Thabit ibn Qurra writes in his Kitab al-dhakhlra fi “dm al tibb (The Book of Treasure on the Science of Medicine) that the plague is a type of epidemic that is caused when the elemental qualities of the seasons become disturbed by excessive rain in the summer, lingering of clouds, the blustering of the southern winds, or stagnant air. This happens more at the end of summer and autumn.93 The causes he gives are natural, lacking any spiritual agency. Ibn Luqa too considers corrupt stagnant air or miasma as the cause of the disease,94 and Ibn Ridwan also adopts a strictly miasmatic interpretation in his exposition of the causes of pestilence.[945] [946] So this seems to have been the dominant explanation in the early Middle Ages.96 The Black Death re-emerged in 1347 and its devastation was reminiscent of the Qur'anic narratives of ancient plagues sent by God as punishment for the unbelievers[947] So the plague was attributed by traditionalists and theologians to divine and spiritual causes[948] [949] The prevalence of the religious paradigm for explaining the plague's aetiology was founded upon the reported saying or hadlth of Muhammad that: “[There is] no contagion, no evil omen, no death bird, no tapeworm, no ghoul, and no malignant star,” and another hadlth. in which the Prophet warns against fleeing a plagued city as it is a calamity sent by God.99 From a religious point of view then, there could not be a natural or astrological explanation for the Black Death. Indeed, the jurist and theologian Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (1292-1350), in his Al-Tibb al-nabawl (Prophetic Medicine), uses the hadlth tradition to support his opinion that the plague is a punishment for unbelievers and martyrdom for true Muslims.[950] By God's permission, the Jinn as secondary causes inflict it.[951] [952] Al-Jawziyya writes: For the influence of spirits upon the body's constitution, its illnesses and its eventual demise, is only denied by people who are quite ignorant of spirits and their influences and the reaction they produce in bodies and constitutions. God, praised be He, can give to these spirits power over the bodies of the sons of Adam, during the occurrence of infection and through corruption of the air. In the same way, He gives them the power to act in the predominance of unhealthy substances, which produce an evil condition for souls, especially in the disturbance of blood, black bile, or semen.102 The putrefaction and corruption of the plague are merely symptoms; “since the physicians have only properly understood its external symptoms, they have considered them to be the plague itself,” but the physical is the vehicle of the spiritual infliction.[953] [954] [955] [956] [957] Thejurist and hadlth scholar Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani (1372-1449), who lost two daughters to the plague of 1417, wrote Badhl al-mdUn flfadl al-tdcun (An Offering of Kindness on the Virtue of the Plague) in which he reiterates the opinions of al-Jawziyya.104 After providing an exposition on the opinions of physicians regarding the aetiology of the plague, al-'Asqalani cites the aforementioned hadlths and stresses that the plague is caused by “piercing” or “stabbing” of Jinn.105 The content of this work is mostly concerned with the hadlths and Qur’anic verses that verify these opmions.W6 We can discern in the works of al-Jawziyya and al-'Asqalani a “religification” of diseases that appear to be caused supernaturally since the realm of Jinn and demons concerns theology rather than medicine or natural philosophy. It is this separatist attitude that changed the ontology of diseasing ruh.dni.yydt from natural/astral forces that concern physicians, astrologers, and magicians alike—as the Brethren of Purity emphasized—to malicious entities that inflict illness and can be invoked by subversive methods using Islamic elements such as verses from the Qur'an, as we see in al-Bunian magic.
More on the topic Part ii: From Nature to Ghayb:
- Part ii: From Nature to Ghayb
- SOUL AND AFTERLIFE
- Bhayro Siam, Rider Catherine (eds.). Demons and Illness from Antiquity to the Early-Modern Period. Leiden, Boston: Brill,2017. — xiv, 434 p., 2017
- Part iii: Therapeutics
- The Emergence of Shi'ism and the Twelvers
- ‘Sharia’ as a traditional discipline