Conclusion
The Doukhobor experience in the Molochna region is of interest on many levels. Most basically, it disputes the accuracy of published accounts of the sectarians by refuting the charges of mass murder that have been levelled against them and the concomitant assumptions about instability, strife, and disruptions in their community.
Even Woodcock and Avakumovic, who are at once judicious and sympathetic towards the Doukhobors, are constrained to conclude, Tt is not impossible that at one moment in their history the Doukhobors, isolated at [the Molochna River] like the Anabaptists in Miinster, should have found the sense of their divine mission becoming so demanding that destruction did not seem too bad a fate for the heretical.’108 The violence of the alleged crimes has always stood at odds with the Doukhobors' selfproclaimed belief in the in-dwelling spirit of God, and consequently in pacifism, and thus it has raised doubts about the consistency of those beliefs. With evidence of the murders debunked, what remains are accounts of a prosperous and uncommonly cohesive religious community, victimized by religious persecution, not the victimizer.The Doukhobor story also reflects the complex interplay of region and centre, religious ideology, and practical administrative concerns. In terms of central policy towards religious dissent, Alexander Γs well- known religious tolerance and Nicholas’s equally well-known intolerance are clearly demonstrated by their treatment of Doukhobors. Most interestingly, the story evidences the impact of Nicholas’s policies on administrative practices. Whatever the religious prejudices of administrators, they had no legal means to seize the Doukhobors' excess land holdings. As late as 1834, when Nicholas’s official nationality ideology was already clearly enunciated, Doukhobors were able to resist the state’s attempts to redistribute their leased land to land-poor Molokans. Regional and central administrators broke the Doukhobors' hold on the land by playing upon official religious prejudices.
The accusations levelled against Doukhobors were accepted in spite of the dubious quality of the evidence because they offered an avenue around inconvenient legal barriers.There is nothing surprising in the final outcome of the Doukhobor sojourn in the Molochna region. Had the religious beliefs of a small group of dissenting peasants won out over the ideological imperatives of an Orthodox tsar, or had the economic well-being of peasants in a regional backwater won out over the rationalizing programs of the central administrative apparatus, this would have been news indeed. The cohesiveness that the Doukhobors showed in the face of persecution is arguably itself a consequence of their time in Molochna. The isolation they experienced in the first years of settlement, when their only neighbours were Turkic-speaking Tatars and German-speaking foreign colonists, served to emphasize their own distinct identity. Under Nicholas I, their faith was tempered in the furnace of religious persecution, forging them into a Doukhobor commonwealth.
By the 1830s all Molochna settlers faced the need to renegotiate their relationship with the central state. Doukhobors, confronted by both religious prejudice and jealousy because of their large land holdings, could not defend themselves against the abuse of power and consequently were exiled. How other settlers answered the need to defend their landholdings against both central and regional demands is taken up more fully in Chapters 5 and 6.
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