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Cultural history: the language question

One aspect of literary and cultural history has received special attention-the language question. Like other groups in the earliest stages of their national development, the Galician-Ukrainian intelligentsia argued among itself about which linguistic form would have sufficient prestige to represent their culture.

The debate arose in the 1830s, and in the years before 1848 it revolved primarily around two problems: external form, i.e. which alphabet should be used—the traditional Cyrillic (kyrylytsia), modern civil (hrazhdanka), or Latin-based Polish (latynyka) alphabet; and content, i.e. whether the language should reflect the local vernacular or be traditional Church Slavonic.

General surveys of the language question in Galicia by Vasyl’ Lev and Paul R. Magocsi include a discussion of developments before 1848.[351] The most extensive research has been done by Osyp Makovei and Mykhailo Vozniak on the earliest published and unpublished grammars from the period,[352] and by Ivan Franko, Mykhailo Vozniak, and Vasyl’ Shchurat on the controversies during the 1830s over proposals to introduce a Polish-based Latin alphabet.[353]

Relations with other Slavs

The first half of the nineteenth century was a period when the budding intelligen­tsias among each of the Slavic peoples became conscious not only of their own national cultures but also of the fact that they were related to other Slavs living within the Russian, Austrian, and Ottoman empires. This resulted in a movement known as Pan-Slavism, which stressed ideas of cultural and sometimes political interdependence among the Slavs, and which prompted eager efforts among members of each group to discover and study the life of all the others. Ukrainian Galicia was the object of attention among Slavs abroad; at the same time local leaders closely followed developments in other Slavic lands.

An extensive litera­ture on Galician-Ukrainian and Slavic interrelations has developed.

Relations with the Czechs were especially well advanced, since Galician- Ukrainian leaders saw in this westernmost Slavic group that had achieved so much in the national/cultural sphere a model to be followed. Vaclav Zidlicky and Vladimir Hosticka have surveyed the interest in Galicia displayed by Czech leaders before 1848.[354] [355] Ivan Bryk has traced the important influence of the Czech linguist and patron saint of Pan-Slavism, Josef Dobrovsky (1753-1829), on Galician-Ukrainian grammarians, and he has published the correspondence be­tween Ivan Vahylevych, lakiv Holovats’kyi, and several Czech leaders.75 The trips of several Czechs to Galicia, especially Karel Zap (1812-1871), as well as the influence of the Slovaks Jan Kollar (1793-1852) and Pavel Safarik (1814— 1876) on Galician Ukrainians have been studied,77 while the letters of Karel Zap to lakiv Holovats’kyi and of lakiv Holovats’kyi and Denys Zubryts’kyi to Vaclav Hanka (1791-1861) have been published.78

One of the single most important influences on Galician-Ukrainian leaders was provided by the Slovenian philologist Jernej Kopitar (1780-1844). From his post as imperial censor of Slavic books and director of the Austrian National Library, Kopitar urged through his writings the promotion of each of the various Slavic cultures and vernacular languages. His impact on all the major Galician-Ukraini­an leaders before 1848 is traced in detail by Mykhailo Tershakovets’, while his ties with Denys Zubryts’kyi and Bishop Ivan Snihurs’kyi are discussed at length by Kyrylo Studyns’kyi and Vasyl’ Shchurat.79The cultural relations of the Rusyn

77 Vladimir Hosticka, “Karel Vladislav Zap a halicsti Ukrajinci,” in Kapitoly z dejin vzajemnych vztahu ndrodu d'SR a SSSR (Prague: Ceskoslovenska akademie ved 1958), pp. 69-115; Jiri Horak, “Tfi desti spisovatele v Halici,” Ndrodopisny vestnik ceskoslovansky, X (Prague 1915), pp.

101-156, reprinted in a shorter version in Jiri Horak, Z dejin literatur slovanskych: stati a rozpravy (Prague: Jos. R. Vilimek 1948), pp. 209-273; I. Pankevyd, “Zapadoukrajinske literarne obrodenie a Jan Kollar,” in Z dejin deskoslovensko-ukrajinskych vzt’ahov: Slovanske kiddie, I (Bratislava: Slovenska akademia vied 1957), pp. 269-294, translated into Ukrainian as “Zakhidnoukrains’ke literaturne vidrodzhennia i Ian Kollar,” inZ istori'i chekhoslovats’ko- ukrdins’kykh zv”iazkiv (Bratislava: Slovats’ke vyd-vo khudozhn’oi' literatury 1959), pp. 253­280; Kyrylo Studyns’kyi, “Pavlo losyp Shafaryk i ukra'intsi,” Nasha kul’tura, I, 7 (L’viv 1935), pp. 401-412; VI. Hosticka, “Pavel Josef Safarik a ukrajinci,” in Z dejin ceskoslo- vensko-ukrajinskych vzt’ahov: Slovanske studie, I (Bratislava: Slovenska akaddmia vied 1957), pp. 295-318, translated into Ukrainian as “Pavel lozef Shafaryk i ukra'intsi,” in Z istori'i chekhoslovats'ko-ukra’ins'kykh zv"iazkiv (Bratislava: Slovats’ke vyd-vo khudozhn’oi literatury 1959), pp. 281-306.

On relations with other Czechs, see Zdenek Hajek, “Styky Jakiva a Ivana Holovackych z Josefem Podlipskym a Frantiikcm Cyriletn Kampelikem,” in Franku Wollmanovi k sedmdesdtindm: sbornik praci (Prague: Statni pedagogicke nakladatelstvi 1958), pp. 213-227; Hryhorii Omel’chenko, lan Pravoslav Koubek i ioho ukra'ins’ki sympatU (Prague: Ches’ko- ukrains’ka knyha 1933).

78 Kyrylo Studyns’kyi, ed., Korespondentsyia lakova Holovats’koho v litakh 1835-49, in Zbirnyk firol’ogichnoi sektsyi NTSh, VIII-IX (L’viv 1905); V.A. Frantsev, ed., Pis’ma k Viacheslavu Gankie iz slavianskikh zemel’ (Warsaw 1905), pp. 222-238 and 378-392.

79 Mykhailo Tershakovets’, “Vidnosyny Vartolomeia Kopitara do halyts’ko-ukrains’koho pys’menstva,” Zapysky NTSh, XCIV (L’viv 1910), pp. 84-106; XCV (1910), pp. 107-154; Kyrylo Studyns’kyi, “Kopitar i Zubryts’kyi,” Zapysky NTSh, CXXV (L’viv 1918), pp. 115-164; Vasyl’ Shchurat, “V. Kopitar i ep. Iv. Snihurs’kyi,” Zapysky NTSh, CXXV (L’viv 1918), pp.

165-200.

The correspondence between Zubryts’kyi and Kopitar is found in the study by Studyns’kyi, n. 69 above, and in F.I. Svistun, “Korrespondentsiia Denisa Zubritskogo s Kopitarom,” Triad with other southern Slavs, especially the Serbs, are also the subject of two studies.[356] [357]

With regard to the Polish influences on Galician Ukrainians, especially the Rusyn Triad, the best work is by Jan Kozik.[358] There are also several studies on the cooperation between Ukrainians and Poles, especially students in L’viv, in the conspiratorial Polish revolutionary movement during the 1830s and the 1840s.[359] The growth of interest in Ukrainian Galicia on the part of Polish ethnographers like Waclaw Zaleski (Waclaw z Oleksa, 1799-1849) and Zegota Pauli (1814— 1895) and the writer Tomasz Padurra (1801-1871) is outlined in Aleksander Pypin’s monumental history of Russian ethnography and in Zdzislaw Niedziela’s survey of L’viv writers before 1848.[360]

Unlike the mutual interest between Galician Ukrainians and western and southern Slavic peoples that before 1848 were basically cultural in nature, the relationship with Russia took on political overtones from the very beginning. The ideas of Pan-Slavism, which had originated in the writings of Jan Kollar and Pavel Josef Safarik, were understood by some Russian publicists, most notable among them Mikhail P. Pogodin (1800-1875), as the first stage in a development that would eventually lead to the unity of all the Slavic peoples under the hegemony of Russia. Pogodin and other writers in the tsarist empire were hopeful that the inheritance of Kievan Rus’ (and this included eastern Galicia) would some day be “reunited” with Russia. Pogodin traveled to many Slavic lands and undertook extensive correspondence with local leaders in Galicia, the most notable being Denys Zubryts’kyi and Ivan Vahylevych.[361]

A volume of previously unpublished articles, diaries, correspondence, and other documents compiled by Ilarion Svientsits’kyi reveals the extent of mutual interest between writers in the Russian Empire and “Carpatho Russians” (i.e. Galicians and Subcarpathians) during the first half of the nineteenth century.[362] A discussion of all aspects of these relations is provided in studies by Svientsits’kyi and Evstakhiia Tyshyns’ka.[363]

Ukrainians from the southern part of the Russian Empire were also discovering their brethren in Galicia at this time. Several essays on these relations, especially the activity of Izmail Sreznevs’kyi (1812-1880),[364] as well as the correspondence of Ivan Vahylevych to Sreznevs’kyi, Mykhailo Maksymovych (1804-1873), and Osyp Bodians’kyi (1808-1879), have been published.[365]

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Source: Magocsi P.R.. The roots of Ukrainian nationalism. Galicia as Ukraine's Piedmont. University of Toronto Press,2002. — 214 p.. 2002

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