Relations with other Slavs
The contacts that first developed between Galician Ukrainians and other Slavic peoples before 1848 were expanded to include political as well as cultural interaction during the second half of the nineteenth century.
The revolutionary years 1848-1849 brought Galician Ukrainians especially close to the Czechs, who at the time were respected by their fellow Slavs as one of the most advanced groups among the subject peoples in the Habsburg Empire. The literature on Czech- Galician-Ukrainian relations in 1848-1849 is well developed,[471] and although relations continued in subsequent years, they were less intense and limited primarily to the cultural realm. There are no general surveys of Czech-Galician-Ukrainian relations after 1848; the existing literature deals only with ties among individual leaders. Kyrylo Studyns’kyi has described the relations between lakiv Holovats’kyi and the Czech writer Karel Jaromir Erben (1811-1870), while the interest of the Czech ethnographer Frantisek Rehof (1857-1890) in Galicia has been discussed and his correspondence with Ukrainian leaders there published.[472] The most attention, however, has been devoted to Ivan Franko. There exist studies of his relations with Czechs and Slovaks,[473] as well as a volume including Franko’s articles on and correspondence with leaders of those groups as well as the commentary on the Galician-Ukrainian writer in the contemporary Czech and Slovak press.[474]Besides the more general political histories and polemical works mentioned above that include material on Polish-Galician-Ukrainian relations, the literature devoted specifically to this topic is limited to two recent monographs by the Polish scholar Elzbieta Hornowa on Mykhailo Drahomanov and his impact upon Polish left-wing intellectuals, including Poles and Ukrainians in Galicia,[475] and to works by Mykhailo Lozyns’kyi that are critical of the pro-Russian elements within the Polish movement on the eve of World War I, including “Polish Russophiles” in Galicia.[476] There is also a recent collection of documents, including many from L’viv and other cities in eastern Galicia, which reveal the Galician reaction to the anti-Russian Polish uprising of 1863.[477]
Ultimately the most influential relations for Galician Ukrainians were those that they had with their brethren in the Dnieper Ukraine.
The writings of Shevchenko and the visits and correspondence of several leading Dnieper Ukrainian writers prompted the beginnings of the populist literary movement in Galicia in the 1860s and the blossoming of Ukrainian literary and cultural activity in the decades that followed. The only general studies of these developments focus on Galician-Dnieper Ukrainian interrelations during the 1860s and the activity of Galician students in Kiev during the 1870s.[478]Most of the existing literature deals with relations between certain individuals. From the immediate post-1848 revolutionary years dates the correspondence of lakiv Holovats’kyi and Osyp Bodians’kyi.196 The best-documented coverage is on the Dnieper Ukrainian Mykhailo Drahomanov (1841-1895), the historian and political theorist who travelled to Galicia and subsequently corresponded with and influenced many of the most important Galician-Ukrainian activists. It was Drahomanov who convinced several Old Ruthenians (including Ohonovs’kyi, Franko, and Pavlyk) of their national affiliation with Dnieper Ukrainians and of the fact that the success of nationalism in the region was dependent upon the socioeconomic transformation of Galician society. There are a few general descriptions of Drahomanov’s contacts with Galicia and in particular his meetings with students in the early 1870s.197 More important are Drahomanov’s “Austro- Hungarian memoirs,” which dwell in great detail on his visit to the area in 1873,198 and in particular several volumes of his correspondence with Galician Ukrainian leaders, including Ivan Franko,199 Mykhailo Pavlyk,200 Omelian Ohonovs’kyi,201 luliian Bachyns’kyi (1870-193?),202 Teofil Okunevs’kyi (18 5 8-193 7),203 Volodymyr Navrots’kyi,204 Meliton Buchyns’kyi (1847
196 Fedir Savchenko, “Lystuvannia la. Holovats’koho z O. Bodians'kym (1843- 1876 rr.),” in
Za sto lit, vol. V, in Zapysky Istorychno'i sekstsii UVAN, XXXI (Kharkiv and Kiev 1930), pp.
121-169.197 Yaroslav Bilinsky, “Mykhaylo Drahomanov, Ivan Franko, and the Relations between the Dnieper Ukraine and Galicia in the Last Quarter of the 19th Century,” Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S., VII, 1-2 (New York 1959), pp. 15421566; Kyrylo Studyns’kyi, “Persha zustrich Mykhaila Drahomanova z halyts’kymy studentamy,” Ukra'ina, III, 2-3 (Kiev 1926), pp. 70-75. See also Iliarion Svientsits’kyi, Drahomanov ³ Halychane (L’viv: Natsional’nyi Muzei 1922; reprinted Saskatoon, Sask. 1975); Mykhailo Pavlyk, Mykhailo Drahomanov ³ ioho rolia v rozvoiu Ukrainy (L’viv 1907).
198 See n. 12 above, and the supplement, Mykhailo Vozniak, “Dopovnennia M.P. Drahomanova do ioho ‘Avstro-rus’kykh spomyniv’ u vidpovid’ retsenzentovi ‘Dila’,” Ukra'ina, III, 2-3 (Kiev 1926), pp. 78-89.
199 Lysty M. Drahomanova do Ivana Franka ³ ynshykh, vol. I. 1881- 1886, vol. II; 1887-1895 (L’viv: Ivan Franko 1906-08); Mykhailo Vozniak, ed., Lystuvannia I. Franka ³ M. Drahomanova, Materiialy dlia kul’turnoi ³ hromads’koi istorii Zakhidn’oi Ukrainy, vol. I, in Zbirnyk Istorychno-filolohichnoho viddilu VUAN, vol. Ill (Kiev: Komisiia Zakhidn’oi Ukrainy VUAN 1928).
200 Mykhailo Pavlyk, ed., Perepyska M. Drahomanova z M. Pavlykom, 7 vols [numbered
II—VIII] (L’viv and Chernivtsi: Ukra'ins’ko-rus’ka vydavnycha spilka ³ Lev Kohut 1901-12).
201 M. Pavlyk, ed., “Perepyska M.P. Drahomanova z d-rom Omelianom Ohonovs’kym,” Zhytie ³ slovo, VI, 5-6 (L’viv 1897), pp. 363-400.
202 luliian Bachyns’kyi, Moia perepyska s Mykhailom Drahomanovym [1894] (L’viv: p.a. 1900).
203 M. Pavlyk, ed., Perepyska Mykhaila Drahomanova z d-rom Teofilem Okunevs’êóò (1883, 1885-1891, 1893-1895) (L’viv: ‘Dilo’ 1905).
204 Kyrylo Studyns’kyi, “Perepyska M. Drahomanova z V. Navrots’kym (z pochatkiv sotsiialistychnoho rukhu v Halychyni),” in Za sto lit, vol. I, in Zapysky Istorychno'i sektsi'i UAN, XXIV (Kiev 1927), pp. 83-153.
1903),[479] Nataliia Kobryns’ka-Ozarkevych,[480] Oleksander Borkovs’kyi (1841 — 1921),[481] Kost’ Pan’kivs’kyi,[482] and luliian lavors’kyi (1873-1937).[483] Second to Drahomanov in influence over Galician Ukrainians was the historian and belletrist Panteleimon Kulish (1819-1897), who lived for a while in Warsaw (1868-1871) and in Austria, from where he corresponded with leaders in Galicia whom he finally visited in 1881.
While Kulish was successful in promoting the populist-Ukrainian movement in Galicia, he failed to achieve his other goal-Po- lish-Ukrainian cooperation. Osyp Makovei, Oleksander Hrushevs’kyi, My- khailo Vozniak, and Kyrylo Studyns’kyi have written solid studies of Kulish’s impact on Galicia;[484] some of his correspondence with local leaders has been published as well.[485]The third Dnieper Ukrainian to have had a lasting influence on Galicia was Mykhailo Hrushevs’kyi (1866-1934). Unlike his predecessors, Hrushevs’kyi actually lived in Galicia, where he held the chair of Ukrainian history at the University of L’viv (1894-1914) and was president of the Shevchenko Scientific Society (1897-1914). He was largely responsible for making the Shevchenko Scientific Society an “unofficial” Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, transforming the previously provincial Ukrainian scholarly atmosphere of L’viv into an environment that matched the standards of other European intellectual centers at the time. Lubomyr Wynar has surveyed Hrushevs’kyi’s career in Galicia in several studies.[486]
Studies also exist on the relations and influence of five other Dnieper Ukrainians upon Galicia: the writers Stepan Karpenko (1816-1886), Oleksandr Konys’- kyi (1836-1900), Pavlo Hrabovs’kyi (1864-1902), and Mykhailo Kotsiubyns’- kyi (1864-1913), and the historian Volodymyr Antonovych (1834-1908).[487] Finally, some of the correspondence between the writer Ivan Nechui-Levyts’kyi (1838-1918) and the Galician intelligentsia he so harshly criticized has been published.[488]
The relations between Galician Ukrainians and Russians had from the very beginning political overtones, reflecting the foreign-policy interests of the Russian Empire. As the nineteenth century progressed, and as Russia saw itself as more than ever a protector for all the Slavs, it could not help but take a special interest in its ‘‘Russian’ ’ brethren living within the Habsburg Empire.
As a result, by the beginning of the twentieth century, the territorial acquisition of eastern Galicia had become a foreign-policy goal of the tsarist empire. Russia’s actual activity in Galicia between 1848 and 1914 took the form of moral and sometimes financial support for Old Ruthenian and later Russophile leaders and their publications as well as encouragement of the Orthodox movement either directly or via immigrants who returned from the United States.There are several general studies on the early stages of Russian Pan-Slavism and its relations with Slavs living in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, as well as a volume containing letters from local leaders, including several Galician Old Ruthenians, to Mikhail F. Raevskii (1811-1884), an Orthodox priest at the Russian embassy in Vienna who served as tsarist liaison to Slavs in Austria- Hungary.[489] As for Galicia in particular, Fedir Savchenko has described Russian support for the newspaper Slovo (L’viv 1861 -88).[490] There is also much important data in biographies of Adol’f Dobrians’kyi (1817-1901), the Russophile leader from Subcarpathian Rus’ who, together with his daughter Olga Grabar (the mother of the famous art historian and painter Igor Grabar), was a defendant at a treason trial held in L’viv in 1882 at which the defendants were acquitted, but which embarrassed the Old Ruthenian movement sufficiently to end not only its “Russian connection,” but its general effectiveness in Galician cultural life as well.[491]
The second stage of Russian relations with Galician Russophiles occurred during the two decades preceding the outbreak of World War I. The views of tsarist diplomats regarding the Russophile as well as Ukrainophile movements in Galicia are found in scattered documents from the uncompleted multivolume collection published by the Soviets on Russian foreign policy covering part of the years 1911 and 1912.[492] Secondary literature on this period consists only of brief studies on the Orthodox movement,[493] contemporary polemics in defense of Russian Orthodoxy,[494] reports of the activity of the Galician-Russian Benevolent Society (Galitsko-russkoe Blagotvoritel’noe Obshchestvo) in St Petersburg,[495] and a study of Galicians at the Kiev gymnasium who were later to play leading roles in the Russophile movement in Galicia.[496]