Russian Expansion
Russian expansionism has been a dominant fact in the history of Eastern Europe and of Ukraine in particular since the 15th century. From 1462, when the nascent Muscovite state encompassed a mere 24,000 sq.
km, until 1914, when the Russian Empire occupied 13,800,000 sq. km, or one-sixth of the land surface of the earth, Russia expanded at an average rate of 80 sq. km per day.14 In the late 18th century, it concentrated its efforts on a great drive southward. Its goal was the vast Black Sea hinterland (which had been the domain of the Tatars) and the Ottoman-dominated seaways that offered access to the Mediterranean and world trade. As long as Ukrainian aid was needed in this southward expansion, the Hetmanate was allowed to exist. But after the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainarji in 1774 that concluded Russia’s successful war with the Ottomans and recognized its presence in the Black Sea and its sovereignty over the Crimean Khanate, Ukrainian autonomy was of necessity doomed. A similar fate awaited the other lands that lay between Russia and the Black Sea.
Map 14 Russian expansion in Ukraine in the late 18th century
The destruction of the Zaporozhian Sich
Upon their return under Russian sovereignty in 1734, the Zaporozhians regained their former lands and built a new Sich close to its previous site. From the viewpoint of the imperial government, this return was a mixed blessing. In the ensuing wars against the Ottomans, the Zaporozhians performed so well that Catherine II showered them with medals and praise. Yet, they also caused her much concern. Because there was no serfdom and much open land on its territory, the Sich became a haven for runaway peasants. Moreover, whenever antinoble uprisings flared up, Zaporozhians were invariably involved.
In 1768, for example, they played a key role in the bloody haidamaky rebellion on the Right Bank, and when the Russian Cossack Emelian Pugachev staged his huge uprising in southern Russia in 1772, the Zaporozhians offered his men refuge from the wrath of the empress.Among the Zaporozhians themselves, violence and social upheaval were common. As the Zaporozhian lands became more settled (by 1770, they contained about 200,000 inhabitants, most of whom were not Cossacks), large-scale farming, trading, and livestock raising developed. These activities were largely dominated by Zaporozhian officers. The last Zaporozhian leader (koshovy), Petro Kalnyshevsky, for example, owned over 14,000 head of livestock. Most of his fellow officers were as wealthy. As in the Hetmanate, sharp socioeconomic distinctions developed between the Zaporozhian starshyna and the propertyless rank and file (holota) and conflicts often broke out between the rich and poor at the Sich. In 1768, for instance, an especially violent clash forced the starshyna to flee to the nearby Russian garrisons, disguised as monks. Order was restored only after the intervention of imperial troops. The constant unrest at the Sich, coupled with the Zaporozhians’ stubborn obstruction of Russian efforts to colonize the Black Sea littoral, convinced Catherine II that the problem called for a radical solution. Therefore, as soon as the 1768–75 war was over and the Tatars no longer posed a threat, she ordered the Sich destroyed a second time.
On 4 June 1775, when most of the Zaporozhians were still at the Turkish front, a returning Russian army commanded by General Tekeli surrounded the Sich and razed it to the ground. Despite the fact that Kalnyshevsky and the starshyna had followed a pro-Russian line, they were arrested and eventually exiled to Siberia. The largest segment – about 5000 men – sought refuge on Ottoman-held territory near the mouth of the Danube. About half the Zaporozhian lands were distributed among Russian grandees and the remainder were assigned to German and Serbian colonists.
Catherine II even attempted to obliterate the Zaporozhians from popular memory. When she announced their liquidation, she added that “the use of the word ‘Zaporozhian Cossack’ shall be considered by us as an insult to our imperial majesty.”15There is a postscript to the Zaporozhian story. The 5000 Zaporozhians who fled to the Ottoman Empire were allowed to settle at the mouth of the Danube River. In 1784, to counterbalance their presence, the Russian government settled the remaining ex-Zaporozhians between the Buh and Dnister rivers. In 1792, these Buh Cossacks were renamed the Black Sea Host and transferred to the Kuban. Under the leadership of Iosyp Hladky, a part of the Danube Cossacks returned to the Russian Empire in 1828 and eventually joined their brethren in the Kuban. From 1864 until 1921, they were known as the Kuban Cossacks. The absorption of the Crimean Khanate
For almost a century after the disastrous campaign of 1687, the Russians had attempted to conquer the Crimea. Between 1734 and 1739, Russian and Ukrainian troops managed to fight their way into the peninsula, but lack of provisions and epidemics forced them back. In 1774, they occupied the entire peninsula and, in the treaty of Kuchuk Kainarji (1774), forced the Ottomans to renounce their sovereignty over the khanate. Finally, in 1783, at the same time that the last vestiges of the Hetmanate were being obliterated, Catherine II announced the absorption of the khanate into the Russian Empire. For Ukrainian history as well as for that of Eastern Europe as a whole, this was an epochal event. The Turkic nomads, whose last bastion in Europe had been the Crimean Khanate and whose last major raid into Ukraine, involving tens of thousands of Tatars, had occurred in 1769, were finally trammeled. The steppe, which for millennia had been a source of danger for the sedentary populations that ringed it, had at last been made accessible to the peasant’s plow. The partitions of Poland-Lithuania
Even the Commonwealth, with a population of 11 million and a territory of 733,000 sq.
km, was not safe from Russian expansionism. On account of its vaunted “golden freedoms” that, practically speaking, provided its nobility with immunity before the law, the land became almost impossible to govern. Near anarchy, encouraged by magnates and foreign powers who benefited from a weak central government, reigned for most of the 18th century. Exploiting its role as the patron of the Commonwealth’s Orthodox, neighboring Russia was especially effective in foiling the efforts of Poles to reform and revitalize their state. Finally, the Commonwealth’s three aggressive neighbors, Russia, Prussia, and Austria, moved in. As a result of three partitions – those of 1772, 1775, and 1795 – Poland-Lithuania ceased to exist. Russia received the lion’s share, 62% of the former territory of the Commonwealth and 45% of its population; Austria acquired 18% of the land and 32% of its inhabitants; and Prussia obtained 20% and 23% respectively. These radical changes in the political map of Eastern Europe affected Ukrainians directly. In 1772, the Ukrainians of Galicia and Bukovyna came under Austrian rule. By 1795, the entire Right Bank was incorporated into the Russian Empire. Ukrainian history now entered a new phase.For about a century, the Hetmanate had been the focus of Ukrainian political life. Although Russians controlled its foreign contacts and military campaigns, and constantly interfered in its internal affairs, the administration, courts, finances, army, and socioeconomic policies of the Hetmanate had been created and maintained by Ukrainians. Self-government encouraged the rise of a Ukrainian noble elite that was attached to and proud of its traditions. As late as 1767, the starshyna delegates to the Legislative Commission rejected Catherine’s reforms and confidently declared: “Our laws are best.” It was in the Hetmanate that, prior to the 20th century, the precedent for Ukrainian self-government had been set.
More than a half-century after the Hetmanate was abolished, Taras Shevchenko wrote:
Once there was a Hetmanate It passed beyond recall. Once, it was, we ruled ourselves But we shall rule no more. Yet we shall never forget The Cossack fame of yore.16
Not only was the Hetmanate not forgotten, but its memories helped to create a new era in Ukrainian history, for it was from among the descendants of the starshyna that many of the intellectuals who later formulated modern Ukrainian national consciousness hailed. The history of the Hetmanate became a key component of national history and the nation-building myth. The example of self-rule that it set helped to arouse the desire of modern Ukrainians for their own nation-state.