In a speech delivered before an audience of industrial managers on 4 February 1931, Joseph Stalin condemned Russia’s chronic underdevelopment. He asserted that
one feature of the history of old Russia was the continual beatings she suffered because of her backwardness. She was beaten by the Mongol khans. She was beaten by the Turkish beys.
She was beaten by the Swedish feudal lords. She was beaten by the Polish and Lithuanian gentry. She was beaten by the British and French capitalists. She was beaten by the Japanese barons. All beat her - because of her backwardness, because of her military backwardness, cultural backwardness, political backwardness, industrial backwardness, agricultural backwardness. They beat her because to do so was profitable and could be done with impunity... Such is the law of exploiters - to beat the backward and the weak. It is a jungle law of capitalism... That is why we must no longer lag behind.... Do you want our socialist fatherland to be beaten and to lose its independence? If you do not want this, you must put an end to its backwardness in the shortest possible time and develop a genuine Bolshevik tempo in building up its socialist economy. There is no other way. That is why Lenin said on the eve of the October Revolution: “Either we perish, or overtake and outstrip the advanced capitalist countries.”
We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries. We must make good this distance in ten years. Either we do it, or we shall go under.1
Stalin’s remarks on the Russian/Soviet past expressed the frustrations of all who recognized that in the competitive world of nations, states, empires, and ideological struggles, economic underdevelopment also represented an unwanted reality of economic poverty, political inferiority, military impo- tency, and an unequal relationship with the developed world, a dysfunctional dependency. Economic and social privation created weakness and constant humiliation. Backwardness, as the party leader suggested, would lead to the extinction of nations, states, and political systems.
Delivered in the third year of the Soviet Union’s first five-year economic plan (1928-32), Stalin’s speech responded to the uncertainties of the international situation at the end of the 1920s and early 1930s, highlighting the reasons for the Soviet ambition to modernize its economy and society at an accelerated pace.
With the country surrounded by hostile capitalist powers, national security concerns trumped all others.2 At this point in time, the USSR continued to acquire aspects of a “garrison state,” a state in which “specialists on violence” become “the most powerful group in society” and in which the authorities define all social changes in terms of “military potential” and national security.3 This “garrisonization” emerged during the civil and national wars of 1918-21 and spread throughout the Soviet Union to unprecedented levels during the first five-year plan.Stalin’s emphasis on “socialism in one country” and his public conflation of Russia (not the multinational Soviet Union) with the “socialist fatherland” championed a new ideological interpretation - Soviet patriotism - which emphasized that “national differences within the Soviet Union were secondary to the shared history and loyalty that united all Soviet citizens.”4 Despite its self-proclaimed internationalist orientation, the party started to favour Russian interests at the expense of the non-Russian population of the Soviet Union. This speech, moreover, implied a retreat from koreniza- tsiia and from Ukrainization.5 Within ten years after the start of the New Economic Policy and a moderate Soviet nationalities policy, Stalin and the Communist Party steered the Soviet Union into new, uncharted waters.
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