Indeterminacy in Islamic Jurisprudence on the Regulation of Armed Conflict
This book attempts to provide a similarly detailed reading of Islamic jurisprudence on the conduct of war, with the objective of proving the indeterminacy of the juridical texts.
This is achieved by exploring the inconsistency within the differentjuristic applications of usul al-fiqh (the science of legal theory explaining “the authority and the relationship”2٥ of the sources of Islamic law) to the farc (pl. fUruc, the legal subject matter). Jurists have been selected from across the dominant madhahib (schools of Islamic jurisprudence; sing. madh- hab) to ensure that different patterns of Muslim legal thought are considered. The book is organized according to three main time frames: early/classical, medieval, and modern. Chapter 1 covers the period of early 'Abbasid rule (second Hijri century) and the written jurisprudential tradition of this established Islamic empire. Chapter 2 covers the medieval period, when Muslim power declined and Muslim-controlled territories were lost to adversaries. Medieval scholarship written between the sixth/twelfth and eighth/fourteenth centuries is also significant because this was when the institution of the madhhab became entrenched, as did the expectation of clear allegiance to a particular, well-establishedjurisprudential doctrine. Chapters 3 and 4 move to a more contemporary analysis, examining scholarship written in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, in order to shed light on modern Muslim views on armed conflict.The choice of scholars from those periods is aimed at testing the hypothesis that sociopolitical scenes and identities influence juridical work. Accordingly, the book examines, on the one hand, different scenarios of interplay between the scholars' modes of juridical reasoning and, on the other hand, their geographical locations, political contexts, identities, and ideologies.
In terms of jurisprudential schools, the book reviews five prominent jurists from the four prominent Sunni schools (Maliki, Hanafi, Shafii Hanbali) in addition to Zahirism. Al-Shaybani (d. 189-804), a founding figure of the Hanafi school and one of the two primary disciples of Abfi Hanifa (d. 150/767) (as well as the most prolific early scholar writing on the regulation of jihad and interaction with non-Muslims) is the representative of the Hanafi tradition. Al-Shafi'i (d. 204/820), often treated as the most seminal figure in early Islamicjuris- prudence, and claimed by many as the founder of the doctrine of usul al-fiqh20 Wael Haffaq, A History ofIslamic Legal Theories (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 26.
and the ShafitI school, is an obvious choice to represent this madhhab.2i Ibn Rushd al-Jadd (d. 520/1126), a prominent judge in al-Andalus during the reign of the Murabithn, represents the Maliki school. Ibn Taymiyya (d.728/1328), often claimed as the primary inspiration for militant thought, represents the Hanbali school. Finally, Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064), who represents the extinct Zahiri school, is chosen for two reasons. First, the Zahiri claim to adhere completely to texhial sources and to deny techniques perceived to expand juristic interpretive tools - such as qiyas (analogical deduction) and Istihsan (juristic preference) - makes it an excellent case shidy for this book, given my hypothesis that all works studied deviate from their theories of legal reasoning and produce a legal regime that is responsive to the sociopolitical context. Second, Ibn Hazm is often relied on in contemporary works, both militant and mainstream, which makes him a highly relevant figure in modern juristic debates.
Since the aim is to demonstrate that jurists' schools of thought and legal analyses were not the sole factors to influence their rulings, the chosen jurists, in addition to representing distinctive schools of jurisprudence, also represent varying relationships with political authority.
Al-Shaybani and Ibn Rushd, for example, represent “semi-official" jurisprudence, in that both were prominent judges who enjoyed proximity to decision-making circles, while a!-Shafi'i, Ibn Hazm, and Ibn Taymiyya were jurists who were relatively distant from the prevailing power and who, in some instances, endured rifts with it. The chosen jurists also reflect unique moments in the history of the Islamic empire. By choosing al-Shaybani and a!-Shafi'i, for example, we can gain insights into the early formulation of the legal tradition on armed conflict from the heart of the empire at the height of its power. Ibn Hazm and Ibn Rushd, in contrast, take the reader to the Muslim world's frontiers with the Christian powers, with anxiety over land loss and waning power looming over both jurists' works. And Ibn Taymiyya's jurisprudence allows us to examine the impact on his works of the collapse of the Abbasid empire at the hands of the Mongols. One further consideration that led to choosing the above scholars is their significant influence on modern works. Their works are often treated as seminal and are often relied upon equally by mainstream and militant works examining the regulation of armed conflict, thereby creating the space to examine Ifirther the coherence of modern works.I contrast two camps in the modern era, the mainstream and the militant. The mainstream camp is represented by al-Azhar and traditional academic Muslim intellectuals. Militant works are represented through an analysis of a
21 A claim that has been challenged by key contemporary scholarship. It is discussed in more detail in Chapter 1.
debate between Ayman al-Zawahiri, often referred to as al-Qa'ida's ideologue, and his former ally and comrade, Sayyid Imam Abdul Aziz (b. 1369/1950), who issued two works renouncing the tactics of al-Qa'ida, as well as by the works of Turki b. Mubarak al-Bin'ali (d. 1438/2017), an ISIS ideologue, and by isis's English publication, Dabiq.
But to what extent are the selected texts representative? Although the book attempts to dispel the notion of representation within the Islamic legal tradition (on the basis of its established diversity), the scholars, institutions, and groups chosen for examination in this book are ones whose authority has been asserted or who are at least accepted as having influenced the field.
True, this book does not show sensitivity to the politics of construction of authority in Muslimjurisprudence, a process that may have sidelined significant and innovative jurists. However, the book is an internal critique of constructed authority, aiming to demonstrate that even established juridical figures responded to factors beyond legal reasoning. So, rather than attempting to expand the scope of Islamic jurisprudence and Islamic law, as laudable as that may be, this book hopes to provide evidence for the widely held claim and belief that Islamic jurisprudence is responsive to context, as well as to challenge formalist understandings that authoritative Islamic jurisprudence works merely reflect the implementation of jurists' theories of usul al-fiqh across the different branches of Islamic law. Additionally, in order to do so, and despite its critique of legal positivism and formalist understandings of the law, the book follows the different jurists' claimed methodology, which leads it to appear formalist, thereby asserting what it aims to challenge. However, this choice is a deliberate one. Because the modern works examined continue to adhere to and promote a largely formalist understanding of the law, I felt that the most appropriate approach to challenge this understanding would be to offer an internal critique of those works by highlighting their limitations and shortcomings within such a positivist analysis.This book does not claim to offer a full historical survey of Islamic jurisprudence on armed conflict. Many significant eras, polities, dynasties, and scholars are left aside despite their significance. An examination of jurisprudence under the Ottoman Empire, for example, would offer an excellent opportunity to examine Islamic law's interaction with Europe's jus gentium, and an exploration of jurisprudence such as Muhammad 'Abdti's (d. 1323/1905) or Abti A'la Maudtidfs (d. 1399/1977) would shed light on Islamic law's development in the colonial and post-colonial contexts.
However, space limitations have led me to focus on classical jurisprudence because modern jurisprudence relies primarily on what is often seen as the golden phase of Islamic law, with the founders continuing to be revered as unparalleled authorities.One of the limitations of the choice of scholars is that the book focuses on Sunni juristic works and so ignores other sects, notably Shi jurists. This choice is based not on a denial of the importance of the role played by these jurists in the development of the held, but rather on the limitations of time and space. As clarified earlier, this book offers a detailed analysis of the legal arguments and tools used by the jurists whose works are explored. In a historical analysis of juristic works from the formative to the contemporary period, it would be difficult to include also an analysis of non-Sunni works. It also addresses the general internal consistency of the works of the jurists, as well as their adherence to the positions developed by the madhhab and the juristic tradition as a whole. As argued by Hallaq, Muslim jurists gradually limited the interpretive options available and created a “more determinate body of positive law.”22 The book hopes to internally challenge this perception by proving that this process masked political and ideological agendas and was accordingly far from determinate.
The book does not challenge the theories of usul al-fiqh adopted by the jurists either. While it is, of course, true that the theorization of the sources of Islamic law was, in itself, influenced by scholars' political interests and identities, the book avoids addressing the jurists' views on the sources, and approaches them as a given benchmark against which application to armed conflict is assessed.23 This approach gives stronger weight to the indeterminacy argument because accepting the jurists' theoretical premises provides a better chance to illustrate the inconsistencies in the implementation of their theories to issues relating to the conduct of hostilities.
Rather than offering speculative assumptions on the interests promoted by jurists, the book shows how each of them deviated from the theory of sources he claimed to adhere to.Inconsistencies found in juristic works are used as tools to interpret the relationship between the legal system and society through the eyes of the different jurists, scholars, and groups, providing a narrative of how early jurists shaped Islamic laws of war and how much they established a notion of the “other” and created a framework through which the Muslim community perceived its relationship with non-Muslim communities. It also attempts to explore how the assumed needs and interests of some or all segments of Muslim society influenced classical and modern jurists in their writings. Finally, whenever relevant, it portiays the influence of the other on the theories developed.
22 Wael Hallaq, Authority, Continuity and Change in Islamic Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 236.
23 For an example of critiques of the theories of jurisprudence, see Nar HSmid Abu Zayd, al-Shdfi’twa taSls al-idlyulujiyya al-wasatiya (Cairo: SinS li-l-Nashr, 1992).
In other words, it shows how, in some instances, positions about the law were responses to the perceived practice of the “other.” In doing so, the book hopes to show sensitivity to the complexity of the nature of the relationship between law and politics and the intricate process of interaction between the two by resorting to an analytical framework that remains loyal to the Islamic tradition. After all, this critique was often employed by jurists in their criticism of each other's Juruc. It is not uncommon to find classical scholars appropriating the theoretical framework of their imaginary interlocutors to prove the inadequacy of the interlocutors' conclusions.
The book is well aware of the constraints the legal tradition imposed, as it emerged and developed, on thejurisfs freedom to articulate a legal system favourable to his views of the most appropriate conduct in warfare. After all, jurists have shown an interest in preserving the legalistic approach to Islamic jurisprudence in order to preserve their special corporate identity.24 This interest is continuously traced in the jurisprudence of the scholars examined in the book. As will be noted in Chapter 1, for example, al-Shaybani defied the caliph Harhn al-Rashid (reign: 148-193/786-809) by only reluctantly legitimizing the caliph's discourse with rebels, and al-Shahi refused to prohibit the enslavement of Arabs despite his personal inclination towards such a position. In Chapter 2, I portray how Ibn Taymiyya followed the juristic tradition on rebellion despite existing evidence to his discomfort with it. Finally, Ibn Rushd went to great efforts to assert the consistency of the Maliki school, even when the scholars he examined clearly differed in their views. Nevertheless, the book argues that restrictions established by the Islamic tradition did not prevent jurists from deviating from their theoretical frameworks.Jurisprudence was often articulated syllogistically. However, in the cases examined, such syllogism does not stand scrutiny, because the foundational framework on which the legal reasoning is premised is inconsistent with the conclusions reached by the jurists. What the book hopes to achieve is to contribute to the literature on the dynamics of interplay between text and context, a debate in which I acknowledge that hypotheses and arguments presented in this book are subject to the same critique provided here, whereby the reading of the relationship between law and the historical context reflect the author's own biases and understanding of the law.
This approach takes into consideration the critiques by Abou El Fadl mentioned earlier regarding the interpretation of juristic positions and the need to pay attention to the “microdiscourses'” of the legal tradition. Rather than offering a snapshot of the Islamic laws of war and providing generalizations
24 Abou El Fadl, Rebellion, 324. developed from the works of some scholars, the book examines, in detail, representative samples of juristic works from the formative, medieval, and modern eras, paying attention to the linguistic mechanisms and details of the arguments of the various jurists.
Although the book is reluctant to offer summaries of the Islamic legal tradition, I am aware that a reader unfamiliar with the legal subject matter may be overwhelmed with the microanalysis provided in the following chapters. Thus, in the paragraphs below, I offer a quick, admittedly reductive, summary of the discipline and of the primary issues relating to the regulation of conflict covered in this book. This summary should be used merely as a guide to the common issues examined in the jurisprudence. Many readers will notice that the book tends to focus on certain themes, a focus shaped as equally by the jurists' anxieties and interests as by the reader's own anxieties and interests, which are largely influenced by contemporary understandings of the legal regulation of violence. For example, despite a significant focus on the division of the booty/ spoils of war among members of the Muslim army, the book dedicates little attention to this matter and focuses more extensively on matters relating to targeting and violence during armed conflict.
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- Bibliography