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Introduction

Similar to many others in different parts of the world, modernising “power elites”1 of Muslim majority countries assigned themselves a civilising mission and imagined[345] [346] their societies as nations following the model of Western mo­dernity.

Their hegemonic nation building projects have always given promi­nent place to state law as an instrument of top-down social engineering. Thus, law has become an ideological and repressive apparatus of the state in the Althusserian sense.[347] In this ideological use, law is not only employed as an instrument of social control but also as a hegemonic mode of organising and even fabricating beliefs and values, in addition to manufacturing the consent of the masses.[348] Law is seen in utilitarian terms as a tool, “an amoral and infi­nitely plastic device of government”.[349] Nation-building legal instrumentalists treat the social space between legislator and individual implicitly as a nor­mative vacuum and envision that the state is more or less autonomous from the social context in which the law is to have its effects, the subjects of the rule are atomistic individuals and the legislator’s command is uninfluenced by the social medium.[350] Nevertheless, even a brief perusal of TheJournal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law that has been published for the last fifty years would show that an impressive number of socio-legal and social anthro­pological studies have repeatedly and consistently found that “the state is not necessarily the only entity in charge of what goes on, in law and in life”.[351] Unlike legal modernists have assumed and legal positivists have argued, “the state in the form of courts is not actually completely in charge of things”.[352] Pakistan and Turkey are two remarkable examples of this socio-political phenomenon of unofficial legal pluralism.[353]

These two countries have followed different trajectories in their nation­building endeavours vis-a-vis Islam and Muslim laws.

The Kemalist hegemonic elite of Turkey decided to build a new modern nation by manufacturing sec­ularist and nationalist “acceptable citizens".[354] [355] [356] [357] [358] [359] To achieve this aim they have employed a number of Althusserian repressive and ideological apparatuses of the state. Law has been used by the Kemalist state as one of these repressive state apparatuses to modernise and westernise the family unit so that accept­able citizens could be produced.11 Thus, they decided to replace Muslim laws by transplanting the Swiss Civil Code with a few pro-Islamici2 and patriarchali3 modifications. On the other hand, Pakistani social engineers continued the centuries-old personal law system that officially allows different religious per­sonal and family laws to co-exist. This official legal pluralist arrangement is called weak legal pluralism in Griffiths’ terminology?4 But even the Pakistani state wanted to reform its society and construct a new modern nation by re­forming Muslim laws in Pakistan. This has not been without resistance from the counter-hegemonic traditionalists, conservatives, religious reactionaries, Salafists and patriarchal power structures in society. Thus, in addition to of­ficial or weak legal pluralism, unofficial Muslim legal pluralism, “strong legal pluralism'05 is a part of daily life. Some sections of society still obey the unoffi­cial religious law as it is understood traditionally and interpreted by conserva­tive culama, and not the hegemonic nation state’s laws.

Some Muslims in these two countries have developed their own ways of reconstructing the socio-legal arena, paving the way for unofficial dynamic Muslim legal pluralism. Despite the states’ social engineering attempts, subal­terns have resisted in one way or another to the hegemonic power of the mod­ern nation state. In these contexts, national, international, secular, religious, and customary law all interweave[360] and more than one source influences and guides the attitudes and behaviours of individuals?[361] This situation is not static and new hybrid unofficial laws are being continuously constructed by skillful post-modern legal navigators?[362] By looking at the available case law, statistical data, official reports, surveys and field research on age of marriage, registra­tion and solemnisation of marriage, polygamy and divorce, this chapter, which draws on and updates my earlier work?[363] aims to present the current socio- legal picture of Muslim legal pluralisms in Pakistan and Turkey.

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Source: Oberauer Norbert, Prief Yvonne, Qubaja Ulrike (eds.). Legal Pluralism in Muslim Contexts. Brill,2019. — x, 258 p.. 2019
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