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Pakistani Muslim Legal Pluralism

No country other than Pakistan has made religion the sole basis of Muslim nationality.[364] [365] [366] [367] [368] After Pakistan’s independence, the question of whether or not Muslim laws should play a larger role in state, law and society became one of the fundamental issues.

As Pakistan was imagined by its founding moderniser elite as a state purely for Muslims, creating a modern Muslim Pakistani nation­al identity has been a central issue for them. The tension between modernists and conservatives in how this identity should be constructed had an impact on political and legal developments^ The same Pakistani Constitution drafted by a secular and modernising elite that protects western fundamental rights also elevates Muslim laws.22

The modern nation state of Pakistan has produced positive law based on a plural, incoherent and contradictory corpus of Muslim laws. The process is almost chaotic, let alone linear, thanks to tensions and interactions between politics, society, norms and practices?3 Variation in the enforcement and in­terpretation of Muslim laws by the courts has intensified this chaotic plural­ism, especially when dealing with the delicate regulation of marriage?4

Unofficial Muslim laws have three main functions in Pakistan. First, they provide a point of reference in construing enacted laws and provisions. Secondly, they fill a void in the legal system. Thirdly, they question an existing law or provision in regard to injunctions of Islam.[369] A recent analysis offatawa (plural of fatwa, an unofficial legal injunction of Muslims jurists) in Pakistan shows thatfatawa have been used for all these purposes?[370]

The reform of Muslim family laws in Pakistan can be divided into three distinct periods. The first period (1947-77) represents an effort to modernise and reform the family law and make it less gender discriminatory.

The second period (1978-99) reversed this trend and conservative, patriarchal, Islamist, Salafist and even repressive interpretations of Muslim laws dominated the state. The amendments in Muslim family laws were influenced by the Islamist and Salafist interpretations. The current period (2000-), similar to the first pe­riod, is focused on removing gender discrimination and decreasing inequali­ties present in family law?[371] Saleem defines each period by a quintessential law: The first period is defined by the Muslim Family Law Ordinance (mflo), 1961; the second period by the Zina Ordinance, 1979 and the third by the Women Protection Act, 2006.2[372]

The main legislation in the area of family law is the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961 (mflo). It represents a reformist and modernising interpreta­tion of Muslim family law, restricting the rights of men in the area of divorce and polygamy?[373] The Islamic nature of the mflo has remained controver­sial from the very beginning. The ordinance presents a compromise between Islamists and modernists/reformists.[374] The conservative religious groups ve­hemently protested when it was promulgated but the military government did not compromise. The reformist aspect that endeavoured to improve the plight of women did not sit well with the traditional, conservative, patriarchal, Islamist and Salafist sections of society who converged on their opposition to the reforms. The superior courts have also found several provisions of the mflo contrary to the traditional and customary interpretations of Islamic law[375] Thus, as the case law and research that shall be referred to below have repeatedly shown, the wide gap between the laws of the state and the plurality of legal practices still exists in Pakistan.

2.1 Registration and Solemnisation of Marriage

The Pakistani state needed to impose compulsory marriage registration since in both civil and criminal cases questions often arose concerning the existence of a marriage contract and the marital status of the parties involved.

In the absence of official documentation, uncertainty and confusion are inevitable.[376] [377]

The MFLO 1961 provided for the compulsory registration of marriages under section 5. However, under the Ordinance the non-registration of marriage does not make the marriage invalid or unlawful, although registration is important in proving the existence of a marriage. The loophole left in the law of registra­tion to satisfy the counter-hegemonic factions is that non-registration does not make a marriage invalid or unlawful.33 Thus, ‘(j)udicial relief is not denied to unregistered marriages in Pakistan, if they can be proved by other means’[378] [379] In many instances, it was found to be difficult to locate the relevant records of marriage registers and to obtain the necessary copies.3?

Conservatives, Islamists and Salafists conceive compulsory registration as interference in the sacred law by the state[380] They agree on the importance of registration, but are opposed to criminal sanctions to enforce its implementa­tion. Thus, although this law remains in force, many marriages in Pakistan are still not registered. Moreover, the courts have held that an oral and unregis­tered marriage is valid[381]

Counter-hegemonic factions pressured the Federal Shariat Court (fsc) to declare marriage registration a violation of Islamic law and thus of the Pakistani Constitution. But the FSC found this statutory requirement in accor­dance with Islamic law. It argued that the registration requirement clarifies an individual’s marital status, which is helpful in establishing an orderly society and in helping against the denial of women’s and children’s legal rights. Thus, the FSC held that the statutory marriage registration requirement cannot be termed un-Islamic or opposed to the injunctions of Islam. As a result, the FSC upheld the constitutionality of the registration requirement, and further directed the legislature to provide substantial penalties as an effective deter­rent against non-registration.[382]

On the other hand, in Allah Rakha v.

Federation of Pakistan pld [2000] FSC 1, the Federal Shariat Court clearly held that unregistered Muslim mar­riages continue to be accepted and legally recognised by Pakistani law. Thus, the registration of marriage is not necessarily the only proof of marriage, as according to Muslim laws marriage (nikah) could be performed by a marriage proposal and its acceptance in the presence of witnesses[383]

The Prevention of Anti-Women Practices Act of 2011 strengthened women's rights. It criminalised forced marriages and any attempt to stop women from inheriting property. It also eliminated loopholes that were used to reduce the punishment of persons guilty of rape. It also outlawed the patriarchal and trib­al custom of “marriage with the Quran” that had no Islamic basis.[384]

2.2 Age of Marriage: Child Marriages

Most traditional marriages are still arranged by the families in Pakistan and the opportunity for a boy or a girl openly to get to know and choose their part­ner seldom occurs. In the process of such marriages being arranged by family members, safeguards in the law are often ignored. Minimum age of marriage and mutual consent requirements are not observed. Despite the National Registration Act 1973, according to one estimate, as of 2010, around 40% of mar­ried men and 52% of married women had unregistered marriages in Pakistan[385] The state has not done much to ensure that marriages are consensual. In many instances, the age of a girl will be changed on her marriage certificate in order to avoid questions over her being underage?2 The ability of individuals to by­pass the law without any fear of repercussions has also perpetuated archaic customary practices of selling girls into “marriage” in exchange for money, set­tling disputes with the exchange of girls known as vani or swara and the use of girls as compensation for crimes. While the official laws in Pakistan do not con­done these practices, the officials and courts do not properly address and tack­le them, allowing informal patriarchal power structures to implement a law of their own.43 Only in 2011 did the Pakistani legislature pass two pro-woman bills aimed at protecting women from harmful traditional customs, including so-called marriage with the holy Quran and forced wedlock, and seeking se­vere punishments for violators.[386]

Child marriages are theoretically restricted by the Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929, which prescribed penal sanctions where the bridegroom had not reached the age of eighteen and the bride fourteen[387] [388] With the promulgation of section 12 MFLO 1961, the age of fourteen was substituted with the age of sixteen.

A female under 16 years of age is defined as a ‘child’ and it is an offence to marry her. A marriage contracted after the attainment of puberty and before the age of 16 years for females and 18 years for males is valid under Pakistani Muslim laws. The Child Marriage Restraint Act does not make such marriages invalid or void. The Act prescribes punishments for the groom who marries a child considered to be under-age for the purposes at hand, for the person who performs, conducts or directs any under-age marriage, and, where a minor contracts such a marriage, for the person in charge of the minor. The law was changed in 2014 and the penalties for child marriage were increased but the state failed to increase the marriage age for girls from 16 to 18.46 However, tra­ditionalists vehemently oppose the age restriction?[389]

According to the Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey conducted in 2006-2007, over one-third of ever-married women in Pakistan entered into marriage before their 18th, and around 12 to 13 percent before their 15th birth­day[390] In a recent survey, in-depth discussions with the community revealed that the main age for marriage in rural Jacobabad for girls fell between 13 and 14 years and for boys between 14 and 18. In rural Matiari, the age for girls was reported to be around 12 to 13 years in a majority of community discussions and even between 8 and 10 in a few others[391] [392]

Many men and women believe that Sharita requires girls to be married after their menarche. In many discussions men said that according to the Holy Quran, if a girl is not married as soon as she reaches puberty, their parents have to bear the burden of this sin?0

Overall, 47.8% of currently married women aged 15-24 years in Pakistan were married before the age of 18 years. According to a unicef estimate, the prevalence of child marriage among all women aged 20-24 years in Pakistan is 24.0%.[393]

New laws have recently been enacted to prevent child marriages.

Sindh was the first province to act on this issue. It promulgated the Sindh Child Marriage Restraint Act in April 2014, increasing punishments and fines for those who force children to marry and for officials who register child marriages and for local imams who unofficially solemnise them. In March 2015, the Punjab Child Marriage Restraint Act was passed, again increasing fines and punishments to deter people from supporting/administering child marriages.[394] [395] [396] [397] [398]

2.3 Polygamy

Under traditional Muslim laws, women are subject to strict monogamy, yet men may be married to four women at a time. The right of males to plural marriages was entrenched in the Pakistani official law. While the Qur'anic pur­pose underlying the polygamy license was to establish social justice and pro­tect widows and orphans, this moral duty has turned into a matter of sexual adventure in today's Pakistan^3

Section 6 of the MFLO tried to restrict the male's right of polygamy. Under section 6 of the MFLO, polygamy is restricted to the extent that a man who is planning to marry a second or subsequent wife must submit an application for permission to the chairman of the Union Council stating the reasons that jus­tify the proposed marriage and also whether the consent of the existing wife or wives has been obtained. The council may then grant permission if it is satis­fied that the proposed marriage is necessary and just.

However, the MFLO does not specifically state that a polygamous marriage entered into without the permission of the Council is illegal, void or voidable.54 Thus subsequent marriages contracted in contravention of section 6 of MFLO remain valid. This makes the official law less effective against arbitrary and unjustified polygamy.55

As case law56 shows, almost all Muslim polygamists in the country remain unpunished and the second or subsequent marriage is still considered valid. Thus, the official law cannot guarantee a woman that her husband will not bring a co-wife into the house. These regulations appear to be mere formali­ties rather than effective deterrents. Whatever the official law commands, the practice of polygamy is socially accepted and practiced.

The state's attempt to regulate polygamy faced strong opposition by the anti­Reformists on account of the conditions they place on polygamy. It has been argued that section 6 “must be deleted in toto, for, in its present form, it is total­ly repugnant and foreign to the words and spirit of the Holy Qur’an and Sunna and the fundamental principles of Islamicjurisprudence".[399] Nevertheless, in the Allah Rakha v. Federation of Pakistan (pld 2000 FSC 1) case, the FSC un­derlined that polygamy is not mandatory or even recommended in Islam. It is only tolerated. It may be restricted or even prohibited if it leads to unlawful consequences or injustice. Accordingly, the FSC advised that authorities must adopt suitable measures to end or at least to minimise the instances of injus­tice. By upholding the mflo's limitations on the male polygamy license, and by recommending the enactment of further necessary checks and balances to prevent polygamy's abuse, the FSC took a progressive, anti-Salafist stance with its equitable interpretation of Muslim laws consonant with women's rights.5[400]

On the other hand, in 2014, the state's official advisory body, The Council of Islamic Ideology (cιι), criticised the mflo's restrictions on polygamy and also the Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929, which prohibits child marriages.5[401]

2.4 Divorce

The right of talaq is the unilateral right of a/the husband to divorce his wife. In Hanafi law, neither the wife nor any witnesses are required to be present at the time and place when a husband is unilaterally divorcing his wife. It is effec­tive orally or in writing. However, Section 7 of the mflo 1961 has attempted to convert the talaq al-bid’a (irrevocable divorce unilaterally declared by the hus­band) into a revocable divorce. The objective of section 7 is to prevent the hasty dissolution of marriage by talaq pronounced unilaterally by the husband. The mflo mainly relates to procedural aspects of the family laws. It does not touch upon what the substantive laws are, thus leaving it to the courts to rely on the uncodified Muslim personal law. For instance, it does not list the grounds for divorce, its forms and when a wife can ask for it.[402] Although the official law aims to reform the traditional Muslim laws to protect women, it fails in practice to restrict the man's right of divorce. As in the case of polygamy, the divorce procedure provided in the official law has become a mere formality in­stead of deterring and regulating the unilateral use of divorce by the husband.[403]

Divorce in Pakistan is very easy for men. They can divorce their wives, either orally or in writing. They may speak, write, fax, email, or even SMS the word talaq three times and get rid of their marital ties. All the mflo did to restrict this power was to require the divorcing husband to register the divorce with the Union Council and withhold its validity for a period of ninety days. The mflo threatened an offender with imprisonment and fines but it remained silent as to the validity of unregistered divorce. Some courts have preferred un­codified Islamic legal rules over the express provision of the ordinance. Some others have followed both the ordinance and the unofficial laws: laying down that violation of the ordinance is a punishable act but anything done accord­ing to Sharita would not be invalid. Thus, non-registration of a marriage and notice of divorce to a wife are punishable under the mflo but, according to un-codified Muslim laws, non-registration will not invalidate the marriage[404] Some other courts held that compliance with Section 7's registration require­ment is a prerequisite to the validity of a divorce[405]

Two decades after the pro-women, progressive mflo was enacted, this chaotic situation on the procedural requirement was combined with the Zina Ordinance and became a deadly weapon in the hands of vindictive for­mer husbands[406] [407] [408] The criminalisation of adultery and fornication as a result of the Zina Ordinance 1979 had an unintended effect on the mflo procedures that were designed to protect women's rights. After the passing of the Zina Ordinance, abandoned wives who had since remarried were unexpectedly accused of adultery by their former husbands, the latter claiming that they had not followed the procedures contained in Section 7 of the mflo. Thus, they had never validly been divorced and their (former) wives were guilty of adultery.65 Because of jealousy, they denied ever having pronounced talaq and charged them with zina (adultery), an offence that until very recently could carry the death penalty.66 In order to protect the women, judges dealing with these cases often decided that the divorce had been valid, despite non­compliance with the mflo. But this has weakened the obligatory character of the mandatory notification. On the other hand, the notification require­ment was upheld in cases concerning purely family, not criminal law matters.[409] Later, the FSC invalidated the registration requirement in the Allah Rakka v Federation of Pakistan (pld 2000 FSC 1) case and severed the dangerous tie between the MFLO and the Zina Ordinance[410] The Protection of Women Act, 2006 has finally ended this chaos. The law now states that it is sufficient for a woman to believe herself to be validly married to avoid a charge of adultery[411] [412] [413] [414] Even if the divorce preceding her re-marriage turns out to be invalid, she will not face charges if she can convince the court that she had reasons to believe that her divorce and subsequent marriage were valid?0

Besides divorce by the husband, the mflo recognises other forms of dis­solution of marriage: mutual release which may either take the form of khulc or mubdra’a and the “option of puberty” (if a girl is married in her minority she may dissolve such a marriage on attaining puberty), and delegating the power of divorce to the wife (section 8).71 Unlike a husband's no-fault based right to divorce (taldq) which is not based on the consent of the wife, khulc requires the consent of the husband. Under traditional Muslim laws, a Muslim wife does not have a no-fault based right to dissolve her marriage equivalent to a Muslim husband's absolute right to divorce his wife without assigning any reason. A Muslim wife could get a divorce only through a court presided over by a Muslim judge after establishing ‘fault' on the part of her husband under very limited circumstances?2

However, in a remarkable case (Saleem Ahmad v Government of Pakistan PLD 2014 FSC 43), a wife's unilateral right to no-fault based divorce under Muslim laws attained the sanction of the Federal Shariat Court (fsc). In 2002, the legislature amended section 10(4) of the Family Courts Act, 1964, authoris­ing family courts to dissolve a marriage on the basis of khulc if reconciliation between the spouses fails. This amendment was challenged before the FSC on the ground that it was against the injunctions of Islam. In this case, the FSC did not take into account the strict principles of Hanafi jurisprudence and in­stead resorted to ijtihdd by directly referring to the primary sources of Muslim law (Qur'an and Sunnah). As a result, the Court extended to wives the right of khula without the consent of their husbands. After reviewing various juristic opinions (fatawd), which unanimously held that a judge does not have any authority to order the dissolution of a marriage on the basis of khula with­out the consent of the husband, the FSC held that it was not bound by these unofficial juristic opinions. The Court observed that the injunctions of Islam regarding gender are based on equality without any discrimination. Thus, the Court held that Islam does not intend to force a wife to live a miserable life, in a hateful unhappy union, forever. If she is unhappy and reconciliation fails, she should be entitled to get relief.[415] The FSC argued that in the primary sources, there is no express prohibition of granting a woman a divorce without the consent of her husband. The Court also emphasised that marriage in Islam is dependent on (reconciliation, thus if the wife expresses her unwillingness to continue the marriage, then the conciliation does not exist. The FSC also held that the rights and responsibilities of husband and wife are similar in Muslim laws and that there is no room for discrimination. If men could unilaterally divorce their wives, women could also ask for their release from the same mar­riage bond.7[416]

Despite this development, another state organ, the CII (The Council of Islamic Ideology) declared in 2014 that the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act 1939 (dmma) was not Islamic because it allowed the dissolution of mar­riage by a wife on grounds of her/the husband entering into another mar­riage without following the provisions given in the law. Its chairman argued that a woman could not demand divorce if her husband married a second, third or fourth time. Thus, the CII claimed that the relevant provision of the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act (dmma) 1939 was against Sharita and it wanted the government to repeal it?[417]

It seems that a Kulturkampf over women and Muslim laws between reform­ists and Salafists not only in Pakistani society but also within the state institu­tions will continue in the foreseeable future. All in all, the Pakistani legal system has failed to decisively respond to the socio-cultural bias against women in Pakistan resulting from deep-rooted and problematic hegemonic masculinity and has, willingly or not, enabled masculinist and patriarchal interpretations of Islam at the expense of the women.[418] [419] The FSC's new progressive and reform­ist pro-women Ijtihadsn and most of the abovementioned recent legislation are promising to tackle this problem that is an unfortunate result of strong legal pluralism in Pakistan.

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Source: Oberauer Norbert, Prief Yvonne, Qubaja Ulrike (eds.). Legal Pluralism in Muslim Contexts. Brill,2019. — x, 258 p.. 2019
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