MUSIC AMONG PESANTREN COMMUNITIES
Scholars noted that Indonesia’s pesantren communities are centres for the performance of music genre called Islamic music (musik Islam).[1261] Hence, it is important to discuss how Islamic scholars in this specific area perceive and understand music and its particular genres.
In contrast to the public at large (see above), pesantren are considered as spaces in which a strong stance in relation to Islam jurisprudence is taken, and where the Qur’an, Hadith (Tradition of Prophet) and classical Islamic books (kitab) bear direct authority. In this regard, pesantren have a unique position in their stance toward music. In contemporary Indonesia, pesantren are often considered as being divided into two categories: modern and traditional. This difference registers, amongst other ways, in the nature of the pedagogies.[1262]Traditional pesantren are for the most part considered as more conservative because of their reliance on traditional classical books originating from the early centuries of Islamic history. In this type of pesantren, teachers and students take more care in ensuring that their religious practices are based on valid sources. In relation to music, most traditional pesantren take a rigid position and treat it as forbidden (haram). Sulam Taufiq (The Way of Success) is a classical book used as a main reference in all traditional pesantren. One of its chapters explains that alaatul malaahi (musical instruments) are not allowed (haram).[1263] However, I found exceptions to this: there are examples of pesantren and prominent clerics who indeed have a close relationship with music. These examples are important to discuss in order to show how and why music is frequently accepted in a context where it is, according to influential texts, ‘forbidden’. These cases also show the complexities as well as
The lawfulness of music in contemporary Indonesian debate 357 particularities of Islamic life in Indonesia.
Likewise, discourses or examples that emerged in pesantren communities, which are considered as the most authoritative place in Islam, have a great impact on their followers.An illustrative example of this comes from Pesantren Tegalrejo in Magelang, Central Java.[1264] There is a very interesting story about how its founder, the late prominent and charismatic cleric KH Chudlori, dealt with religion and cultural issues within his milieu. The story is that there were two groups of people in Tegalrejo village who became involved in a dispute about spending money generated from donations (uang kas). One group insisted on spending the money to renovate a mosque, while the other wanted to use it for buying a gamelan (a Javanese traditional orchestra). They could not come to an agreement. They eventually decided to come to Kyai Chudlori’s house to get his advice. Unexpectedly, the Kyai’s suggestion was to ask the people to spend the money to buy the gamelan instead of renovating a mosque. ‘The most important thing is that people can stay in harmony,’ he said. ‘If the people are unified and in harmony, the mosque will come later by itself.’ It was a strange decision for some people, but it turned out to be a prophetic one. After those people ended their dispute and became harmonious, they then collected money to build a mosque.[1265]
This is an unusual story in the Indonesian context. Kyai Chudlori’s charisma and his ability to bring people together in harmony by respecting each other implied a special relationship between the pesant- ren and its surrounding residents. This example reflects an important aspect of everyday life of Indonesia: Islamic authority directly faces complex problems among society. The dialogical reflexivity between textuality and embodied reality displayed by Kyai Chudlori is also found in different places in various forms in Indonesian religious practice.
After KH Chudlori passed away, his descendants in Pesantren Tegal- rejo continued to maintain good relations between pesantren and local arts.
Once a year, when the pesantren celebrates the annual graduationcalled khataman (Quranic reading in congregation),[1266] its leader invites traditional performance groups to perform in the pesantren, playing various arts genres such as reog (a kind of dance drama), jathilan (a kind of trance dance) and puppet shows. Performing arts and khataman are performed together on the same evening from stages close to each other. The event continues for the entire night. Audiences can move from one event (pengajian) to another (performance) and back.[1267] This unusual combination shows an alternative way of building a relationship between the two different communities, by giving empathy and being respectful of each other. However, for Pesantren Tegalrejo itself it is not easy to maintain that situation, because many Muslim traditionalists and modernists will find this unacceptable, and say that it reflects poorly on the institution. Moreover, traditional arts have a bad stigma among the society, including the contention that performers are distant from God, and that they practise non-Islamic behaviours (alcoholism, prostitution, gambling and so forth).
In response to common understanding among pesantren communities alaatul malahi (musical instruments) that are categorised as munkarot (things related with immoral acts) are forbidden (haram), due to their power to cause people to neglect God. Yusuf Khudori, one of Kyai Chudlori’s children, has a different opinion:
Munkarat exist not only in art, but can also happen in any activities. The activity of Islamic study (pengajian) can be munkarat if its content is to blaspheme others. For example, the Friday sermon, when used to scoff and condemn other Muslim as kafir (unbelievers in Allah), spreads hatred among Muslims. So, it’s relative. We cannot generalise that art/music is haram [forbidden].[1268]
This statement strengthens the pesantren's position in embracing local culture. Khudori has some authority on his side; this is an approach to Islamic proselytisation (dakwah) that has its precedent in the deeds that the Walisanga (nine saints) are popularly held to have carried out in the history of Islam in Indonesia.[1269]
Another aspect that encourages moderate views towards music is Sufism.
Differing from those Islamic scholars in jurisprudence who take a hard position against music, Sufism has embraced music in its ritual activity. An interesting example on this is the figure of KH Ahmad Siddiq (1926-91), who for decades held an important position as a NU (Nahdhatul Ulama) leader.[1270] As a charismatic cleric favourably disposed to Sufi practices, Kyai Siddiq had amazingly diverse tastes in music, including not only famous Middle Eastern singers such as Ummi Kulthum, but also Western pop music stars such as Michael Jackson, as well as Mandarin and Japanese songs.[1271] ‘Human beings have a feeling of beauty, and art as one of humanity’s activities cannot be separated from the religion’s (Islam) rules and aesthetics. Therefore, the appreciation of art should be raised in its quality,’ he says, believing that ‘music is a universal beauty’. He also explained about art in different categories: preferred arts, such as literature and calligraphy; recommended arts, like instrument and vocal music; limited arts, such as dance; and arts to be avoided, such as sculpture and lustful art.[1272]This classification, in which he tried to present a concept of art based on Islamic boundaries that he understood, and which arranges genres in line with Islam, is very interesting. This also confirms his unique position as a moderate cleric, a pious religious person and a music lover all at the same time. He practised tarekat (Sufism) on one side and enjoyed music on the other. He had a tarekat study group called Majlis Dzikrul Ghofilin (dhikr group for those who ignored God), which in the 1990s had 20,000 followers. He asked its followers to pray to God together by repeatedly chanting verses and prayers. On the other hand, in his house he had music collections of various genres.[1273]
A current example in interpreting the lawfulness of music I found when I conducted research in Cikeusal village, Tasikmalaya in 2013.
In interpreting the lawfulness of music (arts), local Islamic authorities that I interviewed gave some opinions about their position on supporting traditional musical performances, not opposing them. The close ties between Islamic figures and artists’ families in the village are another reason why local people could actively negotiate different interpretations of Islam related to the performances. This has produced an interesting dialogue between Islamic leaders and local musical performances. The well-known Islamic leader of the village, Ajengan Entoy, explained his views on local music in the village.[1274]Ajengan Entoy’s interpretation on the lawfulness of music is similar to those Islamic scholars in traditional pesantren. He argues that the basic rule of music in Islam is munkarot - in other words, whether the music incites people to immoral behaviour or not. His interpretation of when music is allowed (mubah) and when it is forbidden (haram) is similar to that of many moderate Islamic scholars, as discussed above. When the music is categorised as a pursuit for health reasons, then it is allowed, whereas if it is only used to follow lust (lahw - Arabic, hawa nafsu - Indonesian), for pleasure, then it is not allowed. In Cikeusal village, Ajengan Entoy prefers to avoid restricting music in a harsh way. In his words, ‘Islamic rules, if they are used in a strict way, will not be easy to accept.’[1275] This approach, popularly employed by traditional Islamic leaders, is similar to that attributed to the nine saints as mentioned. Thus, the interpretation is in harmony with the social realities in which Ajengan Entoy dwells. Here, he defers textuality to the context of social reality in society. Most ajengan are confident that to perform dakwah is to understand the socio-cultural background of society and to approach it in an appropriate way.
Another ajengan I interviewed was Ajengan Akub. He has a similar explanation - if anything, more moderate - to Ajengan Entoy’s.[1276] He quoted a fragment of verse in the al-Qur’an: ‘And prepare against them whatever you are able of power.’[1277] He explained that the background of this verse was when the Prophet was going to war and no one among his companions could ride a warhorse.
He makes an analogy between the arts and sport, which makes music and other performances genre in the village less debatable. Moreover, to respect different interpretations among Muslims regarding the lawfulness of music, he refers to the Prophet’s words, ‘My companions are like stars, whoever you go with, you will get guidance.’[1278] ‘Companions’ in this sentence refer to the Prophet’s followers (sahabah), permitting Muslims to follow any standpoint held among his followers about in Islamic law.From the description above, music discourse in Indonesian Muslim debate takes various meanings and interpretations following social, cultural and political changes. Islamic clerics’ comments and responses to textual interpretations of music are adapted to the situational context. There is no single meaning. In its permissibility there are limitations, and in its prohibition there are some exceptions. The position of mubah (permitted) music has brought it into different interpretations, and at a certain point it serves as a negotiation tool, as happens in Pesantren Tegalrejo. As my examples have illustrated, some of the most authoritative persons among Muslims have an outstanding appreciation of music, while at the same time a prohibition of music is also very strong among them.
One thing to be noted here is that Islamic figures who get involved in Sufism are much more moderate in their attitude to music than those who do not. In contrast, among conservative fiqh (Islam jurisprudence) experts, where all guidance of religious practice is referred to, they tend to consider music as something not useful but rather as something that can bring people to bad behaviour, for which reason it is forbidden. It can bring people to neglect God; therefore it is forbidden (haram). However, fiqh for a moderate Islamic group is dynamic and dialectic; it can be changed to suit developments of Muslim life. In this situation, Muslims can choose where they will stand, in terms of whether to forbid music or permit it. Judging by the reality that many Indonesian Muslims enjoy music, it is most likely that they have a preference for the moderate side, allowing music to enter their daily lives.
The contextualization of the interpretation of the lawfulness of music in Indonesia as described above has bear different concepts of music associated with Islam. In Indonesian music vocabularies, there are two terms used to refer to specific genre of music related with Islam: musik Islam and musik Islami, which give a specific resonance in Indonesian Islam. The terms are defined in a particular context, as I will explore below.
IV.