Organization of the book

The book consists of seven chapters. The Introduction sets out the theoretical and conceptual framework of women’s political participation though NGOs and women’s movements.

Chapters 1 and 2 discuss the lived experiences of Muslim women in Muslim societies that experience Islamic revivalism, including in Indonesia and how they negotiate often patriarchal and restricting legal and social norms justified as derived from Islam, Islamic law or sharia.

Chapter 3 sets out the historical context of the emergence and development of women’s movements in Aceh: the military conflict, the Boxing Day tsunami and the introduction of Islamic law.

Chapters 4 and 5 look at the dynamics of women’s movements and the work of women’s organizations in challenging the interpretation of Islam and demanding government and religious authority to reform sharia law.

The concluding chapter discusses the dominant discourses of women’s NGOs and women activists and the roles their work plays in influencing public policy-making, increasing public awareness of women’s issues and framing Acehnese visions of Islamic feminism, women’s political participation and sharia.

Notes

1 Salim (2006, 126) classified these PERDA into three categories, in terms of the issue that they try to address. The first relates to public morality and social problems such as prostitution, gambling, alcohol consumption. The second relates to the need to have religious skills and obligations, which include the ability to read the Qur’an, paying zakat or religious alms-giving.

2 A number of studies have been undertaken on this, including by Brenner (2005), Rinaldo (2006) and Blackburn (2008).

3 The pesantren is a traditional Islamic educational institution where students come to learn the Qur’an. The name ‘pesantren’ is Javanese, but in other regions in Indonesia, people use different terms, but with similar meanings. In West Sumatra, for example, they are called surau, while in Aceh Dayah. For further accounts of the origin of pesantren see Dhofier (1990, 1999), Ricklefs (1993) and Azra et al. (2006).

4 The IAIN are the nationally based Islamic Higher Educational Institutions under the Ministry of Religion. In its early establishment, IAIN trained young Muslim men and women to teach in Islamic education in both public and private schools and to work at the Ministry of Religion. Currently there are about 14 IAIN scattered in provinces around Indonesia. The first IAIN was established in 1960 in Yogyakarta, followed by Jakarta. IAIN offer Islamic studies such as Islamic Law, Islamic Theology, Islamic History and Islamic Education. In recent developments, some IAIN, led by IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah in Jakarta, have transformed into State Islamic Universities (UIN), which offer not only Islamic knowledge but also other ‘conventional’ (non-Islamic) sciences. For more detail on the history of the establishment of IAIN see Mudzhar (2003) and Meuleman (2002).

5 Waylen (1996, 7–8) argued that the public and private split which underlies Western liberal democracy and liberal democratic theory has largely influenced the study of gender and politics.

6 The name of the province was changed from the Special Province of Aceh (Daerah Istimewa Aceh) to become Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (NAD) Province following the enactment of the Special Autonomy Law for the Special Region of Aceh No.

7 McCulloch (2005, 2) observes that there are at least four main ethnic groups in the province of Nanggroe Aceh Darsussalam. They include the Acehnese, the Gayonese, the Alas and the Tamiang. There are also other smaller ethnic groups such as the Ulu Singkel, Kluet, Aneuk Jamee and the Simeulue. All these ethnic groups have their own language and distinct cultural traits. In the city of Banda Aceh, it is hard to differentiate who belongs to certain ethnic groups. However, ethnic background can be influential in the public sphere. In another account, Hurgronje (1906, 178) elaborated the belief of many Acehnese that the population in the area were the descendants of three ethnic groups; the Arabs, the Persians and the Turks. During my fieldwork, I heard many Acehnese explain that ACEH itself stand for Arab, Chinese, Europe and Hindia (for India). To justify this belief they refer to the physical differences that can be seen in the population of Aceh: some have lighter skin like the Europeans and the Chinese, while others have dark skin and curly hair like some Arabs and people from South Asia. In this research I did not categorize the Acehnese women activists by their ethnic backgrounds because, as my observation reveals, the activists try not to use ethnic tags, as it can cause uneasiness.

8 The conference was organized jointly by the Asia Research Institute at the National University of Singapore and the Agency for Reconstruction and Rehabilitation of Aceh and Nias (BRR). The Indonesian president established the BRR in April 2005, following the Boxing Day tsunami on 26 December 2004. It has responsibility to oversee the reconstruction and rehabilitation of Aceh and Nias Island. At the end of the conference, which was officially closed by the Ministry of Research and Technology, a research centre was established. The Governor of Aceh, the BRR, the Syiah Kuala University and the IAIN Ar-Raniry will support the creation of the research centre (Serambi Indonesia, 28 February 2007).

9 When I returned at the end of 2007 the hotel’s name had been changed to the Hermes Hotel.

10 In terms of Aceh’s economy, Panggabean (2003) argued that the war in Aceh left the province with low economic production. Aceh contributed only 2.2 per cent in 2002 to Indonesia’s GDP, which was less than it did in 1990, when contributions reached 3.6 per cent.

11 At the time of my research, the exchange rate for AUD$ 1 was around IDR 8,500.

12 I am aware of the continuing debate over the compatibility of Islam and democracy. One group believes that Islamic culture is inhospitable to democracy, while others see a compatibility between Islam and democracy. Among the latter group is, for example, Hefner (2000). His observation reveals the civil character of Islam. He argues, for example, that Islam in Indonesia has played a crucial role in promoting democracy, as can be seen from Indonesia’s history and its sociocultural politics. In particular, he refers to the Muslim mass-based organizations of Muhammadiyah, a modernist Muslim organization (established in 1912) and Nahdhlatul Ulama, a traditionalist organization (established in 1926), that have both been crucial in keeping Islam from being politicized.

13 I discuss attempts by some Acehnese women to change the regulations in Aceh in Chapter 4.

14 During my fieldwork I met three other female PhD students from Western countries. According to the Qanun, as non-Muslims they are not obliged to follow the Islamic law; however, some of them chose to cover their hair by wearing a scarf or simply draping a shawl over their shoulders. One of them told me she felt more comfortable wearing scarf, especially when she has to meet religious leaders.

15 See for example Morris (1985, 87), who discusses how teachers at Madrasah (Islamic school) established around Aceh in the mid-1930s obtained middle-level religious school and teacher training from Islamic educational institutions in West Sumatra. For similar accounts, see also Bowen (2003) on the role of West Sumatran Muslims in propagating the modernist Islamic teachings in the Gayo highlands, Central Aceh.

16 Diniyah Putri is the first modern Islamic education institution designed to accommodate women. It was established in 1923 by Rahmah El-Yunusiah. See Afrianty (2006).

17 Pusat Studi Wanita (PSW) was created during the 1980s. All public universities are required to have PSW. This institution was first established in 1989. In its early years, there were only 16 PSW across the country but, this increased to 101 in 2002, including 14 PSW at Islamic higher educational institutions under the Ministry of Religion. In the 1999 Broad Outlines of the State Policy or Garis-Garis Besar Haluan Negara, it was mentioned that the women’s empowerment programme aims at promoting equality and gender justice, prosperity and protection to children in the family, nation and society. In the Profile of Women’s Studies Center in Indonesia published in 2002 by the Ministry of Women’s Empowerment, it was written that the institutions will serve as a catalyst to facilitate and initiate the process of socialization, and advocacy in developing and empowering women and children (Ministry of Women’s Empowerment 2002).

18 Many Indonesians use only one name.

19 Other friends later told me that Blang Krueng used to be called ‘daerah hitam’ or black area, an area where GAM militias lived. The tsunami swept away most of the villages in the area.

20 The poor quality of the new houses built by NGOs, especially those built by BRR, has become a public joke among the Acehnese. They call their houses ‘Rumah BRR’, with ‘BRR’ said to mean ‘Bangun Rumah Rusak’ or ‘building a damaged house’ or ‘building ruins’. This is because people found many of their windows frames or doorframes cannot be open or are damaged. Many said that if they can open the window they would not be able to close it or vice versa. Many Acehnese claim the best housing complex for tsunami victims was built by the Turkish government, in Lamphu’uk village, Lhok Nga, Aceh Besar.

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