The Role of Cassation and Constitutional Interpretation
In order to navigate the nebulousness of state-recognised legal pluralism, i.e. to keep it as a framework in which the different normative concepts are defined in negotiation, the fdre Constitution underwrites various institutional mechanisms to handle conflicts of interest arising within the interdependent spheres of state, groups and group members on a case-to-case basis.
In this way, the constitution provides for mechanisms of judicial review which rest with state organs.5.1 The Cassation Benches of the Supreme Courts
The power to review judicial decisions “[...] containing a basic error of law”,[584] [585] [586] [587] [588] [589] or [an error] of basic nature that may have the unfortunate consequence of shaking the constitutional or legal order,ω7 rests with the cassation divisions of the state Supreme Courts at federal and regional levels. However, Proclamation 188/1999 states that, “[u]nder no circumstance shall a case brought before the courts of Sharita, thejurisdiction of which has been consented to, be transferred to a regular court,,.ιo8 One difficult issue is reviewing Sharita courts' decisions in light of internal pluralism of Islamic law visible in the four Sunni legal schools of thought applied across Ethiopia. Another problematic area is having a non-codified, or non-ascertained Islamic family law. A generally controversial question is whether a final decision of a Supreme Court of Sharica can be reviewed by any regular State courtω9 since it challenges the autonomy of the established Sharita courts and their constitutional status. According to the Vice President of the Federal Supreme Court,
[.] if a party is not satisfied with the final judgement of the FSSC [Federal Sharita Supreme Court] they cannot come after exhausting the judiciary to the cassation division of the Federal Supreme Court challenging the decision of Sharita courts regarding their applied substantive law, but only regarding any basic error of procedural law.™
The presiding Kadi of the Federal Sharica Supreme Court Addis Ababa explains the cassation practice as follows:
The cassation bench of the regular Supreme Court is only looking how the procedure is rendered based on the fundamental laws.
They do not touch Sharita laws, because they do not have detailed knowledge on Sharita. However, we wish to be independent from the state courts in the sense that the cassation bench shall be established under the Sharita court in order to give free service for our Muslim society.™Thus the cassation is limited to reviewing the application of the civil procedural law or whether fundamental principles of law have been violated. However, in most cases the parties claim a ‘fundamental error of Islamic law’,[590] [591] [592] [593] a claim that is usually denied, since the judges of the regular Supreme Courts pronounce themselves unqualified due to their lack of knowledge of Islamic law. In addition to the power of cassation, the Ethiopian legal system has incorporated another control mechanism for guaranteeing the appropriate application of constitutional principles. 5.2 The House ofFederation (HoF) and the Council of Constitutional Inquiry (CCI) The power to interpret the fdre Constitution has been given to the House of Federation in conjunction with the Council of Constitutional Inquiry.n3 The HoF is a political organ composed of elected representatives from the federal states of Ethiopia and is equivalent to a chamber of parliament in other countries. The CIC is composed of various members, the majority of whom are legal experts.n4 A reason for transferring the highest authority of constitutional interpretation to a rather political organ was the current governmental actors’ unwillingness to allow certain conflicts between federal and regional governments to be settled by a judicial panel. The political organ is expected to safeguard the interests of the various regional states. This might indicate why the boundaries of legal concepts are negotiated on a case-to-case basis and why they are kept fluid on the general constitutional level. However, since constitutional interpretation also becomes relevant in individual complaints against the violation of basic rights, the question remains of whether this function should not instead be given to a judicial organ. When looking at the constitutional review of Sharita court decisions, the HoF/cic seems to limit the scope of its review to procedural questions such as securing the constitutionally enshrined mutual consent requirement of parties, or to cases in which Sharita courts exceed their constitutionally granted mandate. The consensus requirement protects Muslims who do not wish to be adjudicated by Sharita courts. These contentious issues have led to the revision of some final decisions of the Sharita courts by the Cassation bench of the Federal Supreme Court and by the House of Federation. When reviewing, for instance, the landmark case ‘Kedija’,[594] [595] [596] the HoF emphasised that Article 34(5) fdre Constitution enshrines the requirement that parties to a dispute consent to be adjudicated by Islamic law. Previously, the lower as well as the appeal Sharita courts had passed similar decisions to the initial Sharita court that were not compatible with the aforementioned constitutional provision. Moreover, the applicant had appealed to the Federal Supreme Court, which also decided against him.117 However, the question remains how it can be ensured that people do not surrender their fundamental constitutional rights by giving their consent to be adjudicated by Sharita courts. How should a case be resolved if the ‘right to equality’ and ‘women’s rights’ collide with the ‘right to freedom of religion’? The Sharita court practice reveals that even though the Kadis mostly decide in favour of the women and their offspring, some aspects of their rulings show a clear gender bias that can be attributed to a different understanding of women’s rights. Furthermore, different concepts of gender equality are not only evident in secular and Islamic law, but also and especially in the various local practices. In an attempt at mutual recognition, conflict resolution approaches should not be categorised into strictly dichotomous notions of constitutionally guaranteed individual and collective rights. Accordingly, “[...] not all individual rights always trump all collective rights, for much depends on the relative importance of the rights in question and their context and consequences,,.n8 Any judgement about constitutionality must take into account that the individual actors are forming the groups, just as they are formed by the groups. Thus, subordination under religious normativities should not necessarily eliminate an individual’s option to revoke his or her decision at a later time. Arguably, ‘freedom of choice’ is both a collective and an individual right. To curtail this right, and thus place the individual within a collective entity, would dissolve this individual right completely in favour of the collective freedom of religion. In taking an a priori decision in favour of local or religious rights, including regarding decisions of Sharita courts as extra-constitutional, the individual rights enshrined in a constitution would ultimately be reduced to absurdity as well. 6