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The shari'a family law survey

Methodology The survey was undertaken on 23 and 24March 2000. A stratified random sample of 1,200 people over the age of eighteen was interviewed face- to-face throughout the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Fifty-nine sampling units in the two regions were selected, and from these researchers randomly selected households. Using Kish tables, interviewers then randomly selected individuals to be interviewed within the household. The outcome of the sample distribution is reflected in Table II.6.

Table II.6 Sample distribution of shαri'α family law survey (% of total)

Region
West Bank 58
Gaza Strip 36
E. JerusalemZJerusalem 6
Residence
Towns 44
Villages 39
Refugee camps 16
Gender
Male 47
Female 54
Marital status
Married 65
Single 29
Widowed 4
Divorced I

The average age of the respondents was thirty-five and the survey has a margin of error of 3 per cent with a confidence level of 95.

Use of the courts According to the survey findings, only a small minority of the respondents used the courts within the year before the survey (18 per cent), and in the majority of cases this was for purposes of marriage (49 per cent), followed by inheritance.

In both areas, marriage accounts for by far the greatest reason for using the courts (47 per cent of all court use in the West Bank and 73 per cent of all court use in Gaza). By law, all marriages should be registered with the courts, and the necessity of marriage records for other bureaucratic trans­actions (identity cards, passports etc.) ensures that most marriages get registered. Thus, marriage probably is the one time in most Palestinians’ lives that they have to interact with the shari'a court system, through the marriage notary, the ma'dhun. In the West Bank, there was a much higher use of the courts for inheritance cases (almost twice as high as in Gaza). From the survey, it is unclear whether these were simply cases of registration of deeds, or whether they included cases of litigation over inheritance shares. The difference between the two regions in terms of number of inheritance cases suggests that both land scarcity and the predominance of a refugee population in Gaza may account for the lesser number of respondents claiming their use of the courts was for inheritance matters. While divorce ranks as third among West Bank and Gazans (14 per cent) as a reason for going to the courts (especially in cases of multiple court use), we find ‘divorce’ cited twice as much among Gazans. This is likely to be a statistical artefact given that the number of inheritance cases cited is so low in Gaza. Tellingly, cases covering dower claims, maintenance and separation combined accounted for less than 5 per cent of all court use. However, from surveys of court records, it is clear that a large proportion of cases of litigation in the courts (as opposed to simple bureaucratic registration) are over maintenance, though not over dower (Welchman 1999: 105). As such, the low number of respondents citing main­tenance or dower as a reason for court use is the outcome of the overwhelming use of the court for simple registration as opposed to litigation.

Of those who used the courts, only 20 per cent expressed unequivocal dis­satisfaction with them, although there was a clear gender gap (see Table II.7).

West Bank females who used the courts expressed, overall, the most displeasure at the courts, with 31 per cent of them unequivocally expressing their lack of agreement with the courts compared to only 18 per cent of men in the same region. Gazan females, while overall more positive about the courts than West Bank females, are also more negative towards the courts than their male counter­parts, with 16 per cent more females who used the courts there dissatisfied than the men.

Table II.7 Degree of satisfaction with courts based on use of the courts over the last year (%)

West Bank Gaza E. Jerusalem*

Male Female

Male Female Mah ; Female
Satisfied g5 44 74 7' 100 33
Semi-satisfied 18 25 22 II — —
Not satisfied 18 dz 4 18 67

* 1 he EastJerusalem sample is so small as to be unrepresentative, and is cited here only for purposes of interest

The fact that such a small percentage of the surveyed population had used the courts in the last year, and that in most cases it was for the purpose of marriage, may explain the low level of dissatisfaction with the courts -- i.e. in the majority of cases of court use, they are not making rulings on conflicting or sensitive issues. Additionally, given that the majority of court use was for registra­tion of deeds and contracts rather than litigation, it could be argued that this low level of dissatisfaction is not based on a real test of the courts, in the sense of a test of the court’s performance in dealing with a claim being made by the respondent.

All respondents were asked for their impressions of the courts regardless of whether they had actually used them or not. Three general questions were asked regarding whether respondents felt that the courts supported women’s, men’s and children’s rights. While the majority of respondents claimed that they felt the courts did support women’s rights, there is a clear gender gap on this issue, with io per cent more males (79 per cent) claiming that the courts support women, than women (70 per cent), themselves believe. Men equally believe that the courts support their rights (79 per cent), while women tend to see the courts more supportive of men’s rights (83 per cent) than they see them supportive of women’s rights (70 per cent). However, the question of rights is vague - in this context, the majority of respondents are probably conceiving of men’s and women’s rights within the context of the law. Despite this, women’s awareness of bias shows up in their significantly higher assertion that the courts support men compared to women.

Marital age and -freedom to choose a spouse Various surveys in the past have attempted to assess attitudes towards freedom to choose a marriage partner. In the past, however, it was generally assumed that this was an issue that was relevant only to young women. Although the CPRS survey in 1995 found a high level of support for women’s right to choose their spouse (above 90 per cent for both sexes) the ambiguity of the question probably accounts for the outcome. The right to choose may simply mean for many people the right of women to refuse someone imposed on them by their parents. This interpretation is sup­ported by the fact that in the FAFO study less than 10 per cent of men and women thought that choice of spouse should be the daughter’s choice alone, while the majority asserted that a decision should be made collectively with the young woman’s parents. On the other hand, the lack of freedom to choose a marriage partner is clearly not a problem only for women.

A recent survey by the PCBS (1999b) found that while 43 per cent of women said they did not choose their spouse by themselves, a lower but significant percentage (28 per cent) of men also claimed they did not choose their spouse by themselves.

The 2000 survey tried to invoke indirectly the contradiction between the minimum legal marriage age and the decision-making power in the marriage process. In specific, did respondents feel that a person might be mature enough to get married but simultaneously not mature enough to decide on whom they married?

Table II.8 Are women under seventeen years of age and men under eighteen years of age mature enough to choose their spouse? (%)

West Bank Gaza Jerusalem Total

Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female

Women under 17

‘Yes’ 12 8 IO 6 12 7 II 7
Men under 18

‘Yes’

13 II 19 15 21 6 15 12

Clearly, the findings in Table II.8 show the dominant trend in which choice of a marriage partner continues to be seen as an issue in which parents should be involved. When asked whether women under seventeen years of age and men under eighteen years were mature enough to choose their spouse, the survey found the following responses: 11 per cent of men and only 7 per cent of women felt that women under seventeen could be considered mature enough to choose their own spouse, and 15 per cent of men and 12 per cent of women felt that men under eighteen years could be considered mature enough to choose their own spouse. As such, the overwhelming stance is that neither men nor women are considered at these ages capable of making their own decisions regarding a marriage partner.

Congruent with this was the overwhelming support expressed by respondents for a minimum age of capacity for marriage of eighteen for both sexes (86 per cent of males support this compared to 90 per cent of females), as shown by the responses in Table II.g.

table II.9 Should the age of marriage be raised for both males and females to eighteen? (%)

West Bank

Male Female

Gaza

Male Female

Jerusalem

Male Female

Total

Male Female

Yes 85 89 87 88 79 97 86 90
No 15 II 13 12 21 3 È 10

Divorce Earlier surveys have consistently found an overwhelmingly negative stance towards women’s right to divorce. On closer scrutiny, however, it is not clear whether the findings are about women’s rights to do so or represent a larger taboo towards divorce as such. The 2000 survey attempted to clarify the difference by asking under what specific circumstances women should have the right to request a divorce. Posed in this way, only 4 per cent of men and women came out against women’s right to divorce under any circumstances (see Table II. 10).

Table 11.10 Acceptable reasons for divorce

Acceptable reason for divorce Women Men Total (% who answered ‘Yes’)
Husband is a collaborator 69.1 69.2 69.1
Husband is mentally ill 63-3 68.7 66.0
Husband physically abuses wife 57-8 52 54∙7
Husband has abandoned family 58.8 5o∙7 53∙1
Husband has a sexual disease 4i∙5 43.6 42∙3
Husband physically abuses children 35∙4 31.6 33∙2
Husband marries a second wife 23∙7 15.6 19∙7
Women should not be allowed to divorce 4.0 4∙5 4.2
in any circumstances

Signficantly in the Palestinian context, a ‘nationalist’ justification, a husband being a ‘political collaborator’ came out as the number one acceptable reason, supported by 69 per cent of respondents. Second was the husband’s mental illness (66 per cent) and thirdly spousal physical abuse (55 per cent). Although only a minimal number of respondents (20 per cent) cited polygyny as a legitimate reason, it is significant that there is even this amount of support for divorce on grounds not recognized as such by prevailing personal staus law. Overall there was a consistent 5 per cent gender gap between men and women on all of the possible responses, with the latter slightly more responsive to women’s need to divorce under the varying circumstances posed in the questions. However, in the case of polygyny there was the most dramatic gap between men and women’s responses with 24 per cent of women and only 16 per cent of men citing this as a justifiable reason for women to divorce.

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Source: Welchman Lynn. Women's Rights and Islamic Family Law: Perspectives on Reform. Zed Books,2004. — 328 p.. 2004
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