Dissent and Religion

Religious denomination and religios­ity have some influence on an individual’s behavior in an organization (Croucher, Braziunaite, & Oommen, 2012; Croucher et al., 2009; Hoffman, 2007; Mitroff & Denton, 1999; Sheep, 2006; Weaver & Agle, 2002).

Organizational dissent is expressing dis­agreement or contradictory beliefs/opinions over organizational policies and/or practices (Kassing, 1997, 1998). Dissent often carries a negative connotation and can cause con­flict in organizations or is perceived as con­flict (Croucher et al., 2009; Kassing, 1997). Sprague and Ruud (1988), however, argue that dissent is a moral obligation and a politi­cal right. Kassing (1998) defines three types of dissent, each based on audience selection: (1) articulated (upward within the organization), (2) latent (lateral or to coworkers within the organization), and (3) displaced (to external audiences, e.g., family). The propensity to dissent has been linked to various factors, such as organizational culture, organizational climate, perceived organizational justice, pre­vious responses to dissent, dissenter tenure in the organization, and other demographic fac­tors of the dissenter (Garner, 2009; Kassing, 1997, 1998, 2006, 2008). Communication scholars have illustrated how organizational dissent relates to numerous communication traits/behaviors, such as organizational jus­tice (Goodboy, Chory, & Dunleavy, 2008), aggressive communication (Kassing & Avtgis, 2001), and argumentativeness (Kassing & Avtgis, 1999).

Recently, scholars have explored religion to determine whether an individual’s reli­gious background or religious surroundings influence dissent (Garner & Wargo, 2009). In an analysis of dissent in churches, church leaders reported that congregation members were generally unwilling to approach leaders directly with problems (negative feedback or issues). Instead, according to them, mem­bers preferred “to vent” to other members. Members, on the other hand, reported that they openly discussed their negative feedback with church leaders. The results revealed a disconnect between the leadership and the congregation (Garner & Wargo, 2009). In this case, the religious context of the church set up a conflict between the two groups. Unlike in a secular organization, agency was extremely important in this setting, where neither group wanted to remove agency from the other. This study added a new element to the dissent and organizational conflict literature by showing how dissent functions in a religious setting.

In another study exploring the relationship between organizational dissent and religion, Croucher et al. (2012) found that Hindus and Muslims with high religiosity in India are less likely to dissent than those with low religios­ity and that highly religious Christians in the United States are more likely to dissent than Christians with low religiosity. The authors attribute the findings in the United States to ethnic group vitality (Giles, Bourhis, & Taylor, 1977). In the United States, more devout Christians are more likely to feel comfort­able expressing their views, as Christians are the dominant cultural group in the United States. In India, the expression of opposing views is considered taboo, as India is more of a collectivistic society and such expression could cause great conflict in an organization (Croucher et al., 2009; Croucher et al., 2012). This line of research, as well as the Garner and Wargo (2009) piece, showed how an individ­ual’s religious identity and religiosity influence the expression of dissent.