Sources of Conflict

A significant amount of existing research on race, ethnicity, and conflict has focused on identifying various sources of conflict. Despite these attempts to identify specific sources of interracial/interethnic conflict, interracial/ interethnic conflict is a dynamic process; any one episode is typically the result of multiple sources of conflict (Waters, 1992).

Present-Day Social Inequality. While in-group/ out-group tensions may be grounded in a histor­ical context, another source of interracial/inter- ethnic conflict is seen within present-day social inequality between different groups (Stephan & Stephan, 2001). As described earlier, some of this current racial differentiation—especially as it relates to acceptability by the European American dominant group—can be traced to historical conceptualizations of a racial hierar­chy (Blumenbach, 1865/1973). According to Y. Y. Kim (1994), another reason for interracial/ interethnic conflict lies within the fact that the status quo is the focal point, and those racial/ ethnic groups closer to the European norms are more accepted into existing value systems. What is especially frustrating for those per­ceived as most divergent from the dominant group are recent attempts to deny racial and ethnic differences and to assume a colorblind (or “postracial”) communicative stance (Orbe, 2011; Tierney & Jackson, 2002).

Yet, despite the attempts to mend a history of oppression, African Americans continue to suffer from oppression in employment, hous­ing, and health care (Rudman, Ashmore, & Melvin, 2001). African Americans do not have equal opportunity in the area of the justice system or police protection, and although they have equal access to public education, the qual­ity of education is highly unequal (Rudman et al., 2001 ).

Similar social inequalities are at the root of tensions between African Americans and Latinos/Latinas. Despite the portrayals of Latinos/Latinas as experiencing more severe injustice and hardships than do African Americans, African Americans have also been portrayed as victims of Latino/Latina immi­gration (Shah & Thornton, 1994). In this context, African Americans are shown as unsympathetic victims who complain about Latino/Latina success despite their contin­ued struggles (Shah & Thornton, 1994). A key component of these tensions is competi­tion for limited resources, which pit different underrepresented groups against one another (Meier, McClain, Polinard, & Wrinkle, 2004). As such, similar dynamics between African Americans and Korean Americans exist in urban areas across the United States (Bailey, 2000). Overall, at the core of these tensions is the existence of social inequalities.

In-Group/Out-Group Tensions. Within a historical context of domination, slavery, colonization, and military conquests, it is no surprise that in-group/out-group ten­sions exist among different racial and ethnic groups (Y. Y. Kim, 1994). At times, individual knowledge of the history of mistreatment of one group at the hands of another enhances negativity between racial and ethnic groups (Gallois, 2003). Given this history, commu­nity conflict is often triggered by an influx of new racial and ethnic groups (Oliver & Wong, 2003) that are perceived by residents as a threat (Ross, 2000). Within this con­text, the majority group may feel that its economic and social privilege is threatened; such, reportedly, has been the case for some European Americans and African Americans who have felt threatened by the economic power of Asian Americans (Oliver & Wong, 2003).

In her research on intergroup dialogue between African American and Jewish high school students, Wayne (2008) found that when members of different cultural groups are brought together, intergroup relationships can improve and prejudice can be reduced, but it can also degrade intergroup relationships. She also concluded that when intergroup interac­tion causes members of the in-group to get information that is inconsistent with negative stereotypes or views of the out-group, there should be an improvement in attitude by in­group members. Additionally, Oetzel, Dhar, and Kirschbaum (2007) asserted that dialogue is a useful tool for addressing intercultural conflict within communities, and it addresses mutual respect between conflicting parties (e.g., MacLennan, 2011; Orbe, 2004).

Historically, much of the literature on race, ethnicity, and conflict has focused on ten­sions between European Americans and differ­ent racial/ethnic groups. However, according to Shah and Thornton (1994), an increas­ingly tense relationship exists between African Americans and Latinos/Latinas (see also Kaufmann, 2003). Because of the political inroads that have been gained by the Latin community, and the new Latin immigrants tak­ing low-paying jobs, African Americans believe that Latino/Latina success has come at their expense (Meier et al., 2004). Latinos/Latinas counter the African Americans’ argument, stat­ing that African Americans are insensitive to Latino/Latina needs and that African Americans do not want to share their resources with other minorities (Shah & Thornton, 1994).

Another form of in-group/out-group ten­sion currently exists between some Korean Americans and African Americans in urban areas across the United States. According to Jo (1992), the tension began when Korean Americans moved into the African American communities and established residences and businesses in the area. African Americans accuse Korean Americans of overcharging, rudeness, taking over African Americans’ businesses, and taking money out of the com­munity without reinvesting (Jo, 1992). Korean Americans argue that the African Americans are wrong and that the misunderstanding comes from conflicting cultures and miscom­munication. For instance, Jo explained that the reason Korean Americans are less likely to exchange pleasantries is because of their unfa­miliarity of the English language, not rude­ness. Also, Korean Americans are less likely to hire African Americans in their stores because they cannot afford to pay well, so they employ their own families, who will work for a lot less than the average employee. In many instances, contemporary conflict situations must be understood within a larger historical frame. For instance, some groups have a long history of conflict both inside and outside of the United States. According to Maoz and Ellis (2008), groups in conflict, specifically Israeli Jews and Palestinians, often have an exten­sive history of power and status asymmetries and distrust between the groups is the typical result of this type of history.

Perceptual Differences. Members of differ­ent racial and ethnic groups define and perceive conflict differently (Collier, 1991). From a person of color’s standpoint, it is not always clear if the conflict is a function of race or some other variable like personal­ity differences (Waters, 1992). In addition, when conflict arises, people of color are left wondering if the conflict was malicious (reflective of racial bias) or more indicative of naivete, miscommunication, or mispercep­tions (Waters, 1992). European Americans, in comparison, often misunderstand the degree of offense that often accompanies unintentional, subtle forms of racially biased statements and questions (Warren, Orbe, & Greer-Williams, 2003).

Communicating styles and values can be misinterpreted by individuals who are not a part of the same race (Houston & Wood, 1996). For example, certain common practices that are valued within the African American community (e.g., verbal dueling) can be misper­ceived as attacking by members of other racial groups (Kochman, 1990). Another example involves instances when European Americans view African American styles of communi­cating as rude and African Americans see European American styles as cold and unfeeling (Houston & Wood, 1996). African Americans have a tendency to be very expressive with their feelings, while European Americans tend to be more reserved and believe that emotions should be more contained (Speicher, 1995). Accordingly, when interethnic encounters do occur in the context of differing interests, values, and norms, there is a sense of psy­chological distance, which inhibits the ability for different races to reach common goals (Y. Y. Kim, 1994). Furthermore, interracial/ interethnic interactions generate different meanings, which may fuel a conflict (Habke & Sept, 1993; Speicher, 1995).

In addition to different perceptions toward one another, racial and ethnic groups may view the same communication episode in con­trasting ways (Orbe, 2011; Orbe & Warren, 2000; Speicher, 1995). For example, Warren et al. (2003) conducted a study in which a vid­eotape of an interaction between a European American woman and an African American man was shown to separate groups of African American men, African American women, European American men, European American women, Latinos, and Latinas. The partici­pants were then asked to discuss the con­flict and analyze what they felt the source of the conflict was.

In addition to differing perceptions of com­municative episodes, different racial groups may also find themselves in perceived conflict with one another due to a lack of empathy and/ or knowledge of the others’ perspective. For example, in her research, Wayne (2008) con­ducted focus groups with African American and Jewish students during which the students shared reactions and feelings regarding Louis Farrakhan’s stereotyping of Jews. Many of the Jewish students discussed the strong and painful effect that the comments had on them, while African American students shared the importance of Farrakhan to them as a strong Black man (Wayne, 2008). Participants admit­ted to their lack of ability or desire to see the viewpoints of the other side because the issue was so personal to them; however, after dialogue and 3 months of participation in the interracial program that was the focus of Wayne’s (2008) study, the students seemed to be more empathetic and open-minded to one another regarding an issue where they initially seemed on opposite “sides.”

Stereotyping/Lack of Exposure. Although the United States is attempting to move toward an ideology of a racially integrated nation, most races tend to live apart rather than together (Oliver & Wong, 2003). Racial segre­gation in neighborhood communities, worship centers, educational institutions, and social organizations increases the likelihood of mis­understanding (Y. Y. Kim, 1994). One of the primary reasons is that racial segregation facil­itates the perpetuation of stereotypes and false generalizations that make interracial/intereth- nic interactions potentially volatile (Oliver & Wong, 2003). At the least, it results in great caution on the part of diverse individuals (Allen, 1995). At worst, it creates a history of relational inequality that makes effective intercultural encounters difficult (Gallois, 2003). These issues manifest themselves in various aspects of society, but they have seem­ingly taken center stage in representations of reality television. Accordingly, meanings surrounding race that emerge through reality television “must remain at the forefront of our consciousness, in order that we confront ideologies of racial discord and division” (Bell-Jordan, 2008, p. 369).

An excellent example of intergroup attri­bution biases and perceived stereotypes can be found in the reality television show Black. White., a show described as a unique social experiment that was applauded and criti­cized by critics and viewers alike (Bell-Jordan, 2008). A White family and Black family “traded places” by wearing makeup to switch races and lives with the other family. Through this experiment, viewers discovered the lim­ited knowledge both families had about the experiences of people of a different race. Brian and Renee Sparks (African American couple) hope that this experience will help Bruno and Carmen Marcotulli (European American couple) to see what racism feels like when they switch lives. However, Bruno instead resists the claims of institutionalized racism by the Sparkses “by asking why they continue to focus on the past, why they go ‘looking’ for racism, and why they don’t just toughen up” (Bell-Jordan, 2008, p. 367). Through Carmen’s perceived thoughtlessness and the inability of Bruno to see why his wife’s com­ments continuously upset the Sparks family, the belief of many African Americans that Whites are insensitive to their struggles and do not acknowledge the reality of racism is reinforced (Bell-Jordan, 2008).

Y. Y. Kim (1994) recognized stereotyping and a lack of interest in communicating with other ethnic groups as a source of conflict. When different races are trying to uplift their own race while other races hold stereotypes against them, it can cause serious conflict between the two races (Habke & Sept, 1993). For example, according to Oliver and Wong (2003), in some contexts Asian Americans are likely to view Latinos/Latinas as having a lack of intelligence and being welfare dependent. Alternatively, both Blacks and Latinos may view Asian Americans as difficult to get along with, based on their lack of social involve­ment (Bailey, 2000). Both stereotypes, given the competition for limited resources, typically result in pseudoconflicts between these racial and ethnic groups (H. Lee & Rogan, 1991).

Romer, Jamieson, Riegner, and Rouson (1997) noted that ethnic tension may also be ongo­ing because many Latinos/Latinas still have negative feelings and hold negative stereotypes toward African Americans. In their research on interracial roommate conflict, Bresnahan, Guan, Shearman, and Donohue (2009) found that interracial roommate conflicts are often linked to negative stereotypes about race, and when unmanaged, can reinforce said stereo­types and act as a barrier for future interactions with other members of the same group (see also Urban, Orbe, Tavares, & Alvarez, 2010).

Media also play a role in accelerating ste­reotypical images of racialized others (e.g., Orbe, Warren, & Cornwell, 2001), espe­cially when people have little or no contact with individuals from that particular race (Bramlett-Solomon & Hernandez, 2003). Shah and Thornton (1994) found that African American and Latino/Latina communities were represented as inner-city, Black ghet­tos, and Hispanic districts, and positioned as isolated from other communities. The neigh­borhoods of African Americans, for example, were portrayed in the media as neighborhoods of destruction and danger (Shah & Thornton,

1994). Naming the neighborhoods in this manner created a symbolic distance from the European American community (Shah & Thornton, 1994). Not surprisingly, journalists who report to mainly European American audiences frame minority stories as interracial conflicts to make the stories more newsworthy (Romer, Jamieson, & de Coteau, 1998). When negative images are constantly placed in the media, individuals who have not had contact with the different racial and ethnic groups may either have the stereotypes that they hold against these ethnic groups reinforced, or new stereotypes and negative feelings may emerge (Oliver & Wong, 2003). In either case, the result is a public image that perpetuates inter­racial and interethnic conflict as normative (Viswanath & Arora, 2000).