<<
>>

Miraculous Cures for Demonic Illness

If demons were part of the web of health and sickness that made up the human existence, did saints also have a role? How did a spiritual encounter with Saint Thomas Becket differ from the possessions of the demons he exor­cised? Matilda of Cologne's vision of Thomas Becket was described in detail by Benedict of Peterborough.

The saint appeared in front of her, dressed in ecclesiastical vestments, and with a streak of blood across his face. Becket enquired about Matilda's condition, and made the astute observation that she was suffering in both body and in mind. He promised her her sanity so long as, upon her cure, she continued her pilgrimage either to Rome or to Santiago de Compostella.58 That Matilda was able to see and converse with the saint indicates a marked distinction from her experience with the demon, which had no tangible form and used her body for its own physical expression. Notably, Becket was able to ask Matilda about her illness and she seems to have talked with and understood him lucidly. He also connected with her on a spiritual level. The suggestion of further pilgrimages to two of the most important sites in western Christendom implies that additional spiritual penance was needed perhaps to purify her soul in light of the atrocities she had committed.

Becket's role as a spiritual as well as an earthly healer is significant to his miraculous cures of demonically-induced madness. First of all, whilst canon lawyers like Gratian and Pope Alexander iii (1159-81) would not have held Matilda responsible for the crime of infanticide because she was not in her right mind when she committed it, others, like the Italian canon lawyer Huguccio of Pisa (d. 1220) were doubtful that the mad were entirely blame­less, and demanded that, at the very least, an examination be carried out as to the cause of the madness to see if the mad person was responsible for the onset of their own condition through sin or neglect.59 As a result of her study of legal case records of madness between 1200 and 1500, Wendy Turner argues that secular allowances for the criminally insane were very much based on biblical principles: the mad were not responsible for their actions whilst mad, but were morally responsible for any sins that had caused their madness.[1049] [1050] It is likely that Benedict of Peterborough would have been aware of ecclesiastical debates concerning the liability of the mad for their actions considering the wide circulation of Gratian's Decretum, and this is reflected in the idea that further healing was necessary after the restoration of Matilda's mind.

The concept of madness as a punishment for sin, or as part of a cleansing process for the soul, draws heavily on the Bible.

Nebuchadnezzar was humili­ated with the loss of his reason, which was only restored once he turned his eyes to heaven and acknowledged the power of God (Daniel 4:25-34).61 This spiritual conversion from sinner to pious king brought about a transition from bestial madness to reason and glory. Similarly, Matilda went from being a wretched invalid, bound at Becket's shrine, to a pious pilgrim, continuing her pilgrimage to Rome or to Santiago de Compostella. Hugh Brustins' depravity (possibly connected with his illegitimacy) was cleansed following his demonic possession; his foul language became moderate and he no longer needed his chains to restrain him[1051]

The Bible also, of course, sets a template for the portrayal of demonic exorcisms. When Jesus healed a demoniac in Capernaum, the demon made the body of the man he had possessed convulse (‘Et discerpens eum spiritus immundus') (Mark i:26) [1052] [1053] The demoniacs we have seen in the Becket collec­tions performed similar unnatural actions, such as lashing out, whilst under the control of the demons. However, the Bible does make frequent distinctions between demoniacs and sick people. Jesus was said to have been visited by sick people and demoniacs (‘omnes male habentes, et daemonia habentes), seek­ing cures (Mark 1:32)64 At Judea, Jesus was beseeched by those wanting cures for their illnesses, and by those who were troubled by demons (et sanaren­tur a languoribus suis. Et qui vexabantur a spiritus immundis, curabantur') (Luke 6:i8-g).[1054] In the Becket collections, by contrast, various terms were often combined to describe one invalid. Matilda of Cologne was both filled with a demon (‘Plenam daemonio’), and suffering from insanity (‘insanientem’).[1055] [1056] [1057] [1058] A possessed woman from Gloucestershire was deranged by madness (‘spiri­tus furoris duos dementaverat’).67 The term ‘furoris’ was associated with vio­lent madness but was not necessarily linked to demonic possession. It is in this eclectic use of language that we see the multiple influences for Benedict and William’s interpretations of madness reflected. Both demonic and non- demonic aetiologies for madness functioned alongside each other in a world­view that incorporated demonic interference and bodily imbalance as forces that could bring about sickness or health.

<< | >>
Source: Bhayro Siam, Rider Catherine (eds.). Demons and Illness from Antiquity to the Early-Modern Period. Leiden, Boston: Brill,2017. — xiv, 434 p.. 2017

More on the topic Miraculous Cures for Demonic Illness:

  1. Miraculous Cures for Demonic Illness
  2. Aetiologies of Illness
  3. Introduction
  4. Bhayro Siam, Rider Catherine (eds.). Demons and Illness from Antiquity to the Early-Modern Period. Leiden, Boston: Brill,2017. — xiv, 434 p., 2017
  5. Conclusions: Demons and Illness
  6. Demonic Possession and Symptoms of Furor
  7. CHAPTER 21 Healing with Demons? Preternatural Philosophy and Superstitious Cures in Spanish Inquisitorial Courts
  8. Illness and Practices of Healing in the Texts of Qumran
  9. Picking Up Bad Vibes: Demonic Anti-Music and Spiritual Sickness in Evagrius
  10. The Problem of Evil and Illness Aetiology