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Did Pakistan Inherit a Good Judicial System?

As already explained, after the defeat of Ghadar, the local polity followed the legal and constitutional changes introduced by the British authorities. These new ideas of ‘constitutionality’ and ‘legality’ became the dominant mode for legal policy at the national level (both Congress and Muslim League-ML), with exception of the Ghadar Party (1913), Bhagat Singh’s movement (1930) and finally Subhash Chandra Bose (1940s).[159] The rule of law became so pervasive that by the 1950s, the dominant opinion was that Pakistan had inherited a good judicial system.[160] The Law Reforms Commission (1967-1970) found that the essential principles of the Mughal system of administration of justice were sound and efficient and that the British had only changed the system in those areas which were previously unreg­ulated.

According to the commission, British influences on India were assimilated and were no longer foreign.[161] Even the critique of this view of the ‘inherited good judiciary’ only extended to the issue of appointment of British only judges.[162] The profound social and political changes that had accompanied the transplantation of British law went unremarked upon, and little was changed by the successive governments in two decades after independence.[163]

The only exceptional voice in this regard was that of Chief Justice Cornelius. He discussed the diversity of the courts and laws before the British arrival. According to Cornelius, during the period of Hindu rulers, there was also a gradation of courts. Landowners or Zamindars had jurisdiction over the population in the courts of the territories. Gradually, in his view, British rule displaced the prior forms of justice and discriminated against the locals, as they could not sue any British person. All of the judges were European, with the East India Company having jurisdiction all over the subcontinent.

Few locals served as judges in these courts, those who did were called ‘Black Judges’. The Indian Civil Services, after the Parliamentary Act of 1761, were exclusively British.[164] [165] Cornelius also pointed out that it was the bene­ficiaries of the system, like certain judges and lawyers, who believed in the British 32

system.

And yet, Cornelius did not extend his critique to more fundamental questions such as the purpose and function of the British legal system in India in terms of exploitation or oppression. While he did not indulge with the hierarchies and exploitation within the legal system in British or pre-British India, he never asked if independence would mean delinking from the colonizers, or how the state and legal structure might have to change. This reflected a lack of a critique of neo-colonialism and it was no accident he became one of the main architects of U.S. modernization project in Pakistan under Ayub. Cornelius also did not mention the nature of indignity and the extent of exploitation in the informality which for him was ‘Islam’.

To sum up, Pakistan not only inherited a colonial state apparatus and the per­sonals on the key posts in judiciary, military and civil services, but also a con­sciousness accepting modernity and enlightenment as a part of colonial conquest.

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Source: Azeem Muhammad. Law, State and Inequality in Pakistan: Explaining the Rise of the Judiciary. Springer Singapore,2017. — 289 p.. 2017
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  2. IN INDIA AND PAKISTAN
  3. PROSPECT FOR CHANGE, ADAPTATION AND RECOGNITION
  4. ZIA AND ISLAMISATION
  5. Qadis and muftis in chronological perspective
  6. THE 1973 CONSTITUTION
  7. CENTRALISATION OF POWER
  8. Preface
  9. INDEX
  10. Islam in India