Notes

EPIGRAPH

1 Victor Hugo, “Mazeppa” (no. XXXIV), in Les Orientales (1829), reprinted Ollen­dorf, 1912, 733-7, at https://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Les_Orientales/Mazeppa, last modified 18 August 2018.

INTRODUCTION

1 On the “great surprise in the chancelleries, universities and boardrooms of the West - a surprise that many are still adjusting to,” see Andrew Wilson, The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation (New Haven, Conn., and London: Yale Univer­sity Press, 2000), especially xi. One of the most surprised of them all was the widely read British Communist E.J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Program, Myth, Reality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). For a previously published, but wide-ranging partial corrective, see Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Revival in the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer­sity Press, 1981).

2 On Hrushevsky, see my Mykhailo Hrushevsky: The Politics of National Culture (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), and Serhii Plokhy, Unmaking Impe­rial Russia: Mykhailo Hrushevsky and the Writing of Ukrainian History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005). Also see Ihor Hyrych, Mykhailo Hrushevsky: Konstruktor ukrainskoi modernoi natsii (Kyiv: Smoloskyp, 2016), and R.Ya. Pyryh and V.V. Telvak, Mykhailo Hrushevsky: Biohrafichnyi narys (Kyiv: Lybid, 2017).

3 On Lypynsky, see Ivan Lysiak Rudnytsky, “Viacheslav Lypynsky: Statesman, Historian, and Political Thinker,” in his Essays in Modern Ukrainian History (Edmonton: cius Press, 1987), 437-46, and “Lypynsky, Viacheslav,” in Volodymyr Kubijovyii and Danylo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. III (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), 246-7.

4 See, for example, Lubomyr Wynar, Mykhailo Hrushevsky: Ukrainian-Russian Confrontation in Historiography (Kent, Ohio: Ukrainian Historical Association, 1988). In addition to Wynar's remarks, this little volume contains Hrushevskys programmatic essay: “The Traditional Scheme of ‘Russian’ History and the Prob­lem of a Rational Organization of the History of the Eastern Slavs.”

5 On Pritsak, see O.V.

6 See Mykhailo Hrushevsky, A History of Ukraine (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Uni­versity Press, 1940), and Dmytro Doroshenko, History of the Ukraine, trans. Han­na Chikalenko-Keller, ed. George Simpson (Edmonton: Institute Press, 1939). An updated version of Doroshenko’s volume edited by Oleh Gerus was published in Winnipeg in 1975 as A Survey of Ukrainian History. Also see my two articles: “Dmytro Doroshenko: A Ukrainian Emigre Historian of the Interwar Period,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 25, nos. 1-2 (2001), 31-56, and “Dmytro Doroshenko and Canada,” Journal of Ukrainian Studies 30, no. 2 (2005), 1-25.

7 See Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988). Also see my “Orest Subtelny as Historian.”

8 Paul Robert Magocsi, A History of Ukraine (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996). A revised and expanded edition appeared in 2010: A History of Ukraine: The Land and Its Peoples, where Magocsi added the history of the Crimean Khanate and relabelled that time as “the Lithuanian-Polish-Crimean period,” c.

9 See Volodymyr Kravchenko, “Fighting Soviet Myths: The Ukrainian Experience,” in Serhii Plokhy, ed., The Future of the Past: New Perspectives on Ukrainian History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 2016), 437-82, especially 441.

10 On Kukharenko and Shevchenko, see chapter 5 of this book, and on Kostomarov and Kramskoi, chapter 9. On Kostomarov, in particular, whose origins outside the borders of present-day Ukraine are sometimes overlooked, see my brief bi­ographical sketch, “Nicholas Kostomarov,” in Forum: A Ukrainian Review, no. 70 (Scranton, Penn., 1987), 20-3; and my more-detailed Mykola Kostomarov: A Biog­raphy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996). I treat Kostomarov’s historical ideas in extenso in my “Mykola Kostomarov as a Historian,” in Thomas Sanders, ed., Historiography of Imperial Russia: The Profession and Writing of History in a Multinational State (Armonk and London: M.E. Sharpe, 1999), 332-43, and I compare and contrast him with Hrushevsky in my “Kostomarov and Hrushevsky in Ukrainian History and Culture,” Ukrainskyi istoryk 43-44, nos. 1-2 (2006-07), 307-19.

11 I address this point in chapter 6 of this volume. Balzac fell in love with and mar­ried Ewelina Hanska, nee Rzewuska, an enormously rich Polish aristocrat from Kyiv province in right-bank Ukraine.

12 The geographically westward drift of Ukraine’s notional borders over the cen­turies is seldom noted in the country’s histories.

13 Serhii Plokhy, The Gates of Europe: A History of Ukraine (New York: Basic Books,

2015) ; William H. McNeill, Europe’s Steppe Frontier 1500-1800: A Study of the Eastward Movement in Europe (Chicago and London: Chicago University Press, 1964). Also see Liliya Berezhnaya, “A View from the Edge: Borderland Studies and Ukraine,” in Serhii Plokhy, ed., The Future of the Past: New Perspectives on Ukrainian History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute,

2016), 43-68, and the beautifully produced volume by Ihor Chornovol, Kompara- tyvni frontyry: Svitovyi i vitchyznianyi vymir (Kyiv: Krytyka, 2015). For a particu­larly stunning American example of this “frontier view” that saw Ukrainians as “the Texans” of Russia, that is, as “Texans in fur hats,” see John Fischer, Why They Behave like Russians (New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1947), 22-34.

14 Yury Bielichko / Belichko, “Tvorchist Illi Riepina v konteksti ukrainskoi khu- dozhnoi kultury druhoi polovyny XIX-pochatku XX stolit,” Narodna tvorchist ta etnohrafii, no. 4 (1994), 3-12, especially 3.

15 In literature, Dmitri Likhachev offers an especially good example of a russifier and this russifying process. See especially his contributions to Dmitry Likhachev et al., A History of Russian Literature from the 11th to the 17th Centuries (Moscow: Raduga Publishers, 1989), and the discussion of this book in chapter 1 below.

16 Myroslav Shkandrij, Russia and Ukraine: Literature and the Discourse of Empire from Napoleonic to Postcolonial Times (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2001), xv.

17 In the early 1980s, Valentine Moroz, a celebrated Soviet Ukrainian political dissident, newly arrived in the West, spoke at the University of Toronto and distinguished, as I recall, two different types of colonialism and imperialism. The first was the Greek type, wherein ancient Greece founded overseas colonies for economic purposes and did not attempt to absorb their inhabitants, or, at least, the surrounding “natives,” into Greek civilization and culture. The second was the ancient Roman type, which Moroz claimed was a continental empire that did try to do this, and largely succeeded in both Gaul and Iberia. He claimed that the British Empire followed the Greek model, and the Russian Empire and its successor, the Soviet Union, the Roman model.

18 The “Introduction” to Shkandrij, Russia and Ukraine,passim, gives further refer­ences.

19 See the classic discussion by J.B. Rudnyckyj, “The Name of the Territory and Its People,” in Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopedia, vol. I (Toronto: University of Toron­to Press, 1963), 3-12. Of course, there are some complications to this general truth. See, for example, Andrii Danylenko, “On the Names of Ruthenia in Early Modern Poland-Lithuania,” in M. Nemeth et al., eds., Essays in the History of Languages and Linguistics Dedicated to Marek Stachowski on the Occasion of His 60th Birth­day (Cracow, 2017), 161-73.

20 Neither Sabbatai Zevi nor Mohammed Asad seems to have merited entries in Volodymyr Kubijovyb and Danylo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclopedia of Ukraine, 5 vols. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984-93), although Zevi was appar­ently very influential because of the distress caused to Ukrainian Jews during the Khmelnytsky revolt of 1648, and Asad’s unusual biography deserves attention. However, Jewish literature treats of Zevi extensively, as does Islamic of Asad.

21 For a comparison with the other major European source of slaves, see Robert C. Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters: White Slavery in the Mediterranean, the Barbary Coast, and Italy, 1500-1800 (London: Macmillan Palgrave, 2003), based almost entirely on European narratives, and Jonathan A.C. Brown, Slavery and Islam (London: One World, 2019), by an American convert to Islam, who has ex­amined the Muslim sources and addresses moral and ethical questions raised by slavery and its long acceptance, or at least tolerance, by major world religions. This book was published too late for its use in this chapter.

22 See chapter 7, on Merimee, below. On Beauplan, Chevalier, Scherer, and oth­er early French authors, see the classic work of Elie Borschak / Ilia Borshchak, LUkraine dans la Iitterature de l^,Europe occidentale (Paris: N.p., 1935), especially the first sections. This work was first serialized 1933-35 in the pioneering Paris journal Le monde slave. For a relevant anthology in Ukrainian translation, see Ievhen Luniak, Kozatska Ukraina XVI-XVIII st. ochyma frantsuzkykh suchasny- kiv (Nizhyn: ndu, 2013), 508 pp.

23 See my “Voltaire on Mazepa and Early Eighteenth Century Ukraine,” Canadian Journal of History / Annales canadiennes d’histoire 47 (2012), 259-83; illustrated and slightly revised version online at: https://www.slideshare.net/ThomasM- Prymak/voltaire-on-mazepa-and-early-eighteenth-century-ukraine, 10 October 2015; my “The Cossack Hetman: Ivan Mazepa in History and Legend from Peter to Pushkin,” Historian 76, no. 2 (2014), 237-77; and my “The Polish Legend of Byron's Mazeppa,” unpublished paper, 12 pp.

24 Yaroslav Dashkevych, “Ivan Mazepa: 300 rokiv protostoiannia v istorii ta polityt- si,” in Ihor Skochylias, ed., Ivan Mazepa i Mazepyntsi (Lviv: nanu and NTSh, 2011), 15-28. I have also treated this question in my “Who Betrayed Whom? Or, Who Re­mained Loyal to What? Tsar Peter vs. Hetman Mazepa,” unpublished paper, 13 pp.

25 The quote from Ilya Repin comes from his letter of 19 February 1889 to N.S. Leskov, in Repin, Izbrannye pisma v dvukh tomakh, 2 vols. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1969), I, 358-9. More generally, see Petro Kraliuk, Kozatska mifolohiia Ukrainy: Tvortsi ta epihony (Kharkiv: Folio, 2017). The first argument in English about Cossacks' con­trasting roles in Ukrainian and in Russian history was Ivan Lysiak-Rudnytsky's review of Philip Longworth's The Cossacks (New York: Holt, Rhinehart and Win­ston, 1970): namely, “A Study of Cossack History,” Slavic Review 31, no. 4 (1972), 870-5. Also see the respected survey of Cossack history by Andreas Kappeler, Die Kosaken: Geschichte und Legenden (Munich: C.H. Beck, 2013), especially 101, where Kappeler partly credits the poet Taras Shevchenko (on the Ukrainian side) for creating this “national myth.” These points are less clearly stated in Iaroslav Lebedynsky, Histoire des Cosaques (Paris: Terre noire, 1995).

26 For some context, see Olga Andriewsky, “The Russian-Ukrainian Discourse and the Failure of the ‘Little Russian' Solution, 1782-1917,” in Culture, Nation, and Identity: The Ukrainian-Russian Encounter (1600-1945) (Edmonton and Toronto: cιus, 2003), 182-214.

27 For a very brief English-language portrait of Shevchenko as a “social revolution­ary,” see Yevhen Kirilyuk's “Introduction” to Taras Shevchenko: Selected Poetry, trans. John Weir et al. (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1977), 5-12. For a more lengthy portrait, which pushed the limits for Soviet Ukrainian writers, see Yevhen Shabliovsky, The Hu­manism of Shevchenko and Our Time, trans. Mary Skrypnyk and Petro Krawchuk (Kyiv: N.p., n.d., but probably during the “Shelest Renaissance” of the 1960s). For the “national” interpretation, see Clarence A. Manning, Taras Shevchenko: The Poet of Ukraine (New York: Ukrainian National Association, 1945), and especially Luka Lutsiv, Taras Shevchenko: Spivets ukrainskoi slavy i voli (New York: NTSh and Svoboda, 1964), and R. Zadesniansky (pseud.), Apostol ukrainskoi natsionalnoi revoliutsii (Munich: Ukrainska krytychna dumka, 1969). For a more moderate view, see Pavlo Zaitsev, Taras Shevchenko: A Life, trans. George Luckyj (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988).

28 However, Merimee, and possibly Balzac too, knew something of Gogol. Two ge­nerations later, a francophile Ukrainian emigre in Paris would write: “Ces deux grandes ecrivains, Gogol et Chevtchenko, se completent parfaitment. Si Ton peut parler de l’ame ou du charactere d’unpeople, deux traits sont surtout typiques chez les Ukrainiens: le sens du comique [et] d’ironie, mais d’une ironie qui se transforme bientot en pur lyrisme. Nos chansons nationales sont remplies de cette double ten- dence de l’ame ukrainienne” See Alexandre Choulguine / Oleksander Shulhyn, LUkraine contre Moscou (1917) (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1935), 9. For an extensive but far from complete listing of French-language works on Ukraine, see Jacques Che- vchenko, Ukraine: Bibliographie des ouvrages en franςais XVII^e-XX^e siecles (Pa­ris: L'est Europeen, 2000). For recent general histories, see Iaroslav Lebedynsky, Ukraine: Une histoire en questions (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2008), and, with more detail, Pierre Lorrain, LUkraine: Une histoire entre deux destins (Paris: Bartillat, 2019), 670 pp.

29 For a Ukrainian take on the Orientalism controversy, see Yury Kochubei, “Ed­ward Said (1937-2003), Humanizm proty ‘Orientalizmu,’” Skhidnyi svit, no. 2 (Kyiv, 2004), 39-44, and for a brief survey of “Oriental” influences on Ukrainian art, including on the paintings of Taras Shevchenko, see Kochubei, “Orientalni motyvy v ukrainskomu obrazotvorchomu mystetstvi,” Skhidnyi svit, no. 4 (2004), 132-7.

30 Many Slavonic philologists believe both Boh and khata very early borrowings from Iranian, and kobza a later borrowing from Turkish or Turkic, although some scholars think Boh derived directly from pre-historic Indo-European, so only a close cognate and not a loan-word from Iranian. For a reasoned introduc­tion to the dispute, see Jaroslav B. Rudnyckyj, An Etymological Dictionary of the Ukrainian Language, Part 1 (Winnipeg: uvan, 1962-69), 158-9.

31 The classic Cold War-era response to such Soviet positions, today much respected in independent Ukraine, was Borys Krupnytsky, Ukrainska istorychna nauka pid Sovetamy (Munich: Institute for the Study of the ussr, 1957), especially its last two chapters. An intellectual and political biography of the great western Ukrainian historian Ivan Krypiakevych (1886-1967), a student of Hrushevsky's who wrote successively under Austrian, Polish, Soviet, Nazi German, and then again Soviet authorities, would illuminate these processes. For some brief and scattered but titillating remarks, see Serhy Yekelchyk, Stalin’s Empire of Memory: Russian- Ukrainian Relations in the Soviet Historical Imagination (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004).

32 Again, see Krupnytsky, Ukrainska istorychna nauka.

33 See Mykhailo Hrushevsky, “Novi perspektyvy” (first pub. 1917), in O.T. Honchar et al., eds., Velykyi ukrainets (Kyiv: Veselka, 1992), 154.

34 Aside from his work on Ibn Fadlan, Kovalivsky's most important publication was his anthology of translations into Ukrainian from various “Oriental” litera­tures: Antolohiia Iiteratur skhodu (Kharkiv: KhDU, 1961), 451 pp. On Ukrainian- Middle East studies generally, see L.V. Matvieieva, “Skhodoznavstvo (Oriental- istyka),” Entsyklopediia istorii Ukrainy, vol. IX (Kyiv: nanu, Institut istorii, 2012), 925-6, which gives further references. Also see the collection of articles: Yaroslav Dashkevych, Ukraina i skhid (Lviv: nanu, 2016), 957 pp., which explores a num­ber of topics in Ukrainian Oriental studies, refers to many little-known works, and notes frequently the harmful effects of the Soviet censors, to this day not en­tirely resolved. Finally, Petro Kraliuk, Pivtory tysiachi rokiv razom: Spilna istoriia ukraintsiv i tiurkskykh narodiv (Kharkiv: Folio, 2018), is very useful but appeared too late for consideration in this book.

35 On Paul of Aleppo, compare for example the brief and laconic treatment of him in V.M. Beilis, “Pavlo Khalebsky,” Radianska entsyklopediia istorii Ukrainy, vol. III (Kyiv: ure, 1971), 308, with the much more detailed and politically pointed one in “Alepsky, Pavlo,” in Yevhen Onatsky, ed., Ukrainska mala entsyklopediia, vol. I (Buenos Aires: uapts v Argentini, 1957), 19-20, from which the quotations above are taken. Also see M. Kowalska, Ukraina wpolowieXVII wieku w relaji ar- abskiego podroznika Pawla, syna Makarego z Aleppo: Wstfp, przeklad, komentarz (Warsaw: pwn, 1986); and Paul of Aleppo, Ukraina: Zemlia Kozakiv: Podorozhnyi shchodennyk, ed. M.O. Riabii (Kyiv: Yaroslaviv val, 2008). Ihe Soviet scholar Bei­lis did manage to mention, however, that Kovalivsky was able to publish a brief article on Paul in 1954 for the “300th Anniversary of the Reunification of Ukraine with Russia,” a year after Stalin's death. Not only in the passages quoted above, but throughout his work, Paul calls Ukrainians “Rus” or “Cossacks,” and Russians “Muscovites.” See the newly rediscovered ms. by A.P. Kovalivsky, “Zviazky zi skhodom ta skhodoznavstvo u Kyievi i Naddniprianshchyni v seredni viky,” in I.P. Bondarenko, ed., Movni ta literaturni zviazky Ukrainy z krainamy skhodu (Kyiv: Dmytro Burago, 2010), 120, n 81.

36 Karl Marx, Secret Diplomatic History of the Eighteenth Century, ed. Eleanor Marx Aveling (London: Swan Sonnenschein and Co., 1899), 77.

37 In the 1960s, a Soviet historian, K.V. Solovev, translated into Russian Marx's sum­mary of Kostomarov's “Hetmanite of Vyhovsky,” but it was never published, and Ukrainian historians V.H. Sarbei and E.S. Shabliovsky also worked on it, but were stymied by the Communist Party censors. They did publish a carefully worded ar­ticle that concentrated on Marx's view of Kostomarov's Stenka Razin (which said nothing about Ukrainian history or Ukrainian Cossacks), but not his detailed notes on Vyhovsky and Ukrainian Cossack history. For the former, see Sarbei and Shabliovsky's “N.I. Kostomarov v istoriograficheskom nasledii Karla Marksa,” Voprosy istorii, no. 8 (1967), 49-59.

38 As for Marx's Secret Diplomatic History, reprinted in London and New York during the Cold War (1969), it remained “secret” till the 1990s primarily for Soviet citizens. See the official statement by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the ussr: “Karl Marks: Razoblacheniia diplomaticheskoi istorii XVIII veka,” in Voprosy istorii, no. 1 (1989), 3-11 (and following issues). Also see Mykhailo Kirsenko, “Marks i Engels pro vytoky rosiiskoi politiky: Analiz i zasterezhennia,” Vsesvit, nos. 9-10 (Kyiv, 2008), 147-9. The first item prints a Russian translation of Marx's Secret Diplomatic History, and the latter, excerpts from a Ukrainian translation. For a commentary on and the text of Marx's precis, “The Hetmanate of Vyhovsky” (still not available,

1 believe, in the German original), see Sarbei's “Pro Marksiv konspekt rozvidky Kostomarova ‘Hetmanstvo Vyhovskoho,'" Pratsi tsentru pamiatkoznavstva, no.

2 (Kyiv, 1993), 226-44. Also see O.V. Yas, “Karl Marks i Ukraina," online at the Vpered website at https://vpered.wordpress.com/2012/09/03/yas-Karl-Marx- Ukrainian, 4 October 2018, and J.P. Himka, “Marxism," in Volodymyr Kubijovyb and Danylo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. III (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), 326-7.

CHAPTER ONE

1 The general term “Middle East" is quite new, especially in its present sense. Originally coined by the British to fill in that great cultural and geographical expanse between what was once called “the Far East" and “the Near East," it eventually came to be centred around Greater Syria and its neighbours; that is, today's Turkey, Syria, Palestine, Israel, Egypt, Arabia, Iraq, and Iran - more or less how I understand it. It is used in this sense, for example, by Bernard Lewis in his many books and articles. See especially his The Middle East: 2000 Years of History from the Rise of Christianity to the Present Day (London: Phoenix, 2000) and his Islam in History (Chicago: Open Court, 1993). But this definition excludes most of North Africa, that is, the “Maghreb," or the Arab West, and also Afghanistan and most of central Asia in the east (the fuller Mashrik Zamin or “Eastern Lands"). In contrast to this “narrow" approach, the pioneering American anthropologist Carleton Coon, in his classic Caravan: The Story of the Middle East (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966), included both the Maghreb and Afghanistan, as well as Pakistan. Both scholars emphasized climatic, cultural, and especially religious factors in their definitions, although most of Lewis's work dealt either with the central Arab lands or Turkey, and most of Coon's experience was either in the Iranian / Afghan east, or in the Maghreb, that is, in the extremities of the region. For an introduction to the problem, see Nikki Keddie, “Is There a Middle East?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 4 (1973), 255-71.

2 Also relatively new, like “Middle East," are “eastern Europe" and “Kresy." “East­ern Europe" dates back to only shortly after 1700 (learned works usually applied the French “L’Europe septentrionale,” or “Le nord”) and “Kresy" to after about 1850, originating in the word kres, meaning “end" in Polish, but used for the first time in the plural, Kresy, by the geographer / poet Wincenty Pol in his epic poem Mohort (1855), in this new sense of “eastern borderlands.” The Balkans are outside the ambit of this book, as is Coon's sweeping definition of the Middle East. On “eastern Europe,” see Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civi­lization on the Mind of the Enlightenment (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1996); on “Kresy,” see Jacek Kolbuszewski, Kresy (Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo Dolnosl¾skie, 1995), especially 5-22.

3 For McNeill's introduction to the history of the region (including the Balkans, but winding down about 1800), see his Europe’s Steppe Frontier: A Study of the Eastward Movement in Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964; reprint 1975). For some general surveys of travel from the region to the Middle East, see the relevant bibliography by Yury Kochubei, Ukraina i skhid: Kulturni vzaiemozv’ iazky Ukrainy z narodamy Blyzkoho i Serednoho Skhodu 1917-1992: Pidruchnyi bibliohrafichnyi pokazhchyk (Kyiv: nanu, 1998), 227 pp. Also see his “Zv'iazky ukrainskoi literatury z literaturamy Blyzkoho i Serednoho Skhodu,” in T.N. Denysova et al., eds., Ukrainska literatura v zahalno-slov’ianskomu i svitovomu konteksti, vol. III (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1988), 404-54. Yaroslav Dashkevych includes only one very short notice specifically about Ukrainian travellers to the Middle East in his “Ukrainski mandrivnyky XIX st. na Blyzkomy Skhodi ta ikhni memuary,” in his Maisternia istoryka: Dzhereloznavstvo ta spetsiialni istorychni dytsypliny (Lviv: Pidamida, 2011), 126-7. Dashkevych mentions figures such as the “neo-Cossack” Mykhailo Chaikovsky, the writer Danylo Mordovets, the Galician- American priest Amvrosii Voliansky, the Orientalist Ahatanhel Krymsky, and a few others. On the Poles, see Jan S. Bystron, Polacy w Ziemi Swifty, Syrji, i Egypcie 1147-1914 (Cracow: Orbis, 1930); Jan Reychman, Podroznicy polscy na Bliskim Wschodzie w XIX w. (Warsaw: Wiedza powszechna, 1972); and Waclaw Przemyslaw Turek, “Polskie kontakty socjokulturowe i j⅞zykowe z krajami Islamu,” Przeglqdpolonijny 29, no. 2 (2003), 63-86. There is also some material on Ukrainians and Poles in the various works of B.M. Dantsig, which concentrate on Muscovites and Russians. See, for example, his Russkie puteshestvenniki na Blizhnem Vostoke (Moscow: Mysl, 1965) or his Blizhnii Vostok v russkoi nauke i literature (Do-oktiabrskii period) (Moscow: Nauka, 1973). As well, there is much relevant material in I.A. Zakharenko, Izuchenie vostoka urozhentsami Belarusi (Minsk: Ekoperspektiva, 2006).

4 See Steven Runciman, The Eastern Schism: A Study of the Papacy and the Eastern Churches during the 11th and 12th Centuries (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1955; reprint London: Panther, 1970), 104. Also see his History of the Crusades, 3 vols. (New York: Harper, 1965), II, 321, 485; and A.A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine Empire, 2 vols. (Madison and Milwaukee: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964), II, 393. The Pilgrimage of the Russian Abbot Daniel in the Holy Land 1106-1107 was translated into English (via a French translation) by Charles W. Wilson, which was published in London in 1888; it was reprinted by the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society in 1895, and the part concerning the Holy Fire is available online at http://www.holyfire.org/eng/doc_Daniil.htm, 20 July 2016. Wilson also discusses those pilgrims from the Land of Rus' who preceded Daniel. Also see Bernard Leib, Rome, Kiev et Byzance a la fin du XI siecle (Paris, 1924; reprint New York: Bert Franklin, 1968), 280-5, which, like Runciman's later book, stressed the relatively good relations between Latins and Greeks in Palestine as seen through Daniel's eyes. More generally, see Theolanis G. Stavrou and Peter R. Weisensel, Russian Travelers into the Christian Eastfrom the Twelfth to the Twentieth Century (Columbus, Ohio: Slavica, 1986), a bibliographical work, which contains a valu­able introduction.

5 For two characteristic Russian views of Daniel's account, see Vladimir Kuskov, A History of Old Russian Literature, trans. Ronald Vroon (Moscow: Progress Pub­lishers, 1980), 105-9, and Dmitry Likhachev et al., A History of Russian Litera­ture from the 11th to the 17th Centuries (Moscow: Raduga, 1989), 130-4, which on 588-9 lists the work's many translations into Western languages. For Ukrainian views, see Dmytro Cyzevskyj, A History of Ukrainian Literature from the 11th to the End of the 19th Century, trans. Dolly Ferguson et al. (Littleton, Col.: Ukrainian Academic Press, 1975), 110-13, which compares some of Daniel's diction to that of the nineteenth-century Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko, and see Mykhailo Vozniak, Istoriia ukrainskoi literatury, 2 vols. (Lviv: Svit, 1992), I, 181-5, 652-63, which lists Slavonic editions of Daniel's work.

6 See Mykhailo Hrushevsky, History of Ukraine-Rus’, vol. III, To the Year 1340, trans. Bohdan Struminski, ed. Frank E. Sysyn (Edmonton and Toronto: cιus, 2017), especially 310 and 370, where it states that Daniel's book “was without a doubt the most popular work of Old Rus' literature.” Also see Hrushevsky, Istoriia ukrainskoi literatury, vol. II (New York: Knyho-spilka, 1959), 97-100.

7 See the discussion of this point in Klaus-Dieter Seemann's introduction to his edition of Igumen Daniil Khozhenie / Abt Daniil Wallfahrtsbericht (Munich: Wil­helm Fink Verlag, 1970), xxvi.

8 V.S. Buriak et al., eds., Istoriia ukrainskoi literatury u vosmy tomakh, vol. I (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1967), 133; On Dobrynia / Anthony of Novgorod in general, see “Antonii, Arkhiepiskop Novgorodskii," Entsiklopedicheskii slovar, vol. II (St Pe­tersburg: Brogaus i Efron, 1890; photo-reprint Yaroslav: Terra, 1990), 858, and the brief noting of him in George J. Majeska, Russian Travelers to Constantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1984), 3. Likhachev et al., A History of Russian Literature, 134, like Hrushevsky before him, indicates the continuing popularity of Daniel's work by noting that over a hundred manuscripts of it have survived from earlier times. Likhachev's “great genius" view of Russian literature, which largely ignored sociological factors, as well as non-Russian origins and themes, coloured his take on the history of Rus­sian, as well as “Old Ukrainian" culture, which, of course, he claimed for Russia. On this, see Robert Romanchuk's editorial remarks in Hrushevsky, History of Ukraine-Rus’, III, 511. Also see V.M. Guminsky, Russkaia Iiteratura puteshestvii v mirovom istoriko-kulturnom kontekste (Moscow: ran, 2017), whose chapter on Daniel's influence I saw too late to use in this book.

9 See N.A. Meshchersky, “Drevnaia russkaia povest o vziatii Tsargrada Fragiami [sic] v 1204 godu,” Trudy otdel drevnoi russkoi Iiteratury, vol. X (St Petersburg: Pushkinskii dom, 1954), 120-35. Certain earlier Russian scholars had assumed that Anthony of Novgorod wrote this account, but Meshcherskys linguistic analysis showed that it was of Iuzhno-russkii, namely “South Russian,” or Ukrainian origin. Also see Stavrou and Weisensel, Russian Travelers, 8-9, and the brief remarks in Likhachev et al., History of Russian Literature, 108-9, and Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine Empire, II, 461.

10 Bystron, Polacy w Ziemi Swifty, Syrji, i Egypcie, 1-5; Darius von Guttner-Sporzynski, Poland, Holy War, and the Piast Monarchy 1100-1230 (Turnout, Belgium: Brepols, 2014), 10, 12, 136-59.

11 Bystron, Polacy w Ziemi Swifty, Syrji, i Egypcie, 6.

12 On Laski and RadziwiII, see ibid., 10-40, and Tomasz Kempa, Mikotai Krzysztof Radziwitt Sierotka (Warsaw: Semper, 2000), on RadziwiII, from whose influential work, says Kempa (121), “a great many Turkish and Arabic words” entered Polish vocabulary. StanisIaw Stachowski compiled a 514-page historical dictionary of turkisms in Polish, many of them uncommon today: Stownik historyczny turcyzmow w jfzyku polskim (Cracow: Ksi^garnia akademicka, 2007). Some of these turkisms entered via Ukrainian, which today has about four thousand - about the number of arabisms in modern Spanish. On this, and also for a survey of pre-Islamic “Orientalisms” in modern Ukrainian, see Appendix B above. On the enormous political impact of RadziwiII's conversion to Catholicism, see Ambroise Jobert, De Luther a Mohila: La pologne dans la crise de la Chretiente (Paris: Institut d'etudes slaves, 1974), 146 et passim.

13 David Frick translated Smotrytsky's Apology into English in his Rus’ Restored: The Selected Writings of Meletij Smotrytskyj (1610-1630) (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 2005), 369-566. Also see Frick's biography of this controversial figure: Meletij Smotrytskyj (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 1995).

14 These three pilgrims are listed in Yury Kochubei, “Zv'iazky ukrainskoi literatury z literaturamy Blyzkoho i Serednoho Skhodu,” in T.N. Denysova et al., eds., Ukrainska literatura v zahalno-slov’ianskomy i svitovomu konteksti, vol. III (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1988), 404-54, especially 411. Bibliographical information is given in Klaus-Dieter Seemann, Die Altrussische Wallfahrtsliteratur (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1976), 437, 441, which volume also notes, on 443, the Putnik o grade Ierusalime sostavlen neizvestnym Galitsko-Russkim palomnikom mezhdu 1597-1607 (Guide to the City of Jerusalem Composed by an Unknown Galician- Ruthenian Pilgrim between 1597 and 1607), first published by the pioneering Galician-Ruthenian historian Antin Petrushevich in Lviv in 1872.

15 All of these characters are discussed in Zakharenko, Izuchenie, 72-7.

16 Ibid., 87-9. Further on Simeon, see Kuskov, Old Russian Literature, 336-41, and Likhachev et al., History of Russian Literature, 528-35, which ignore his anti- Islamic polemics, mentioning only his opposition to the Russian Old Believers.

17 Zakharenko, Izuchenie, 90 and 403, identifies Michael the Lithuanian as Michael Tyshkevych, ambassador 1538-40 of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania to the Crime­an Khanate. Despite possible Ruthenian (perhaps “Belarusan”) origins, Michael believed that the Lithuanians were descended from the ancient Romans, and he defended the administrative use of Latin as against “Ruthenian” in Lithuania. See Pietro U. Dini, Prelude to Baltic Linguistics: Earliest 'Theories about Baltic Lan­guages (Amsterdam: Rudori, 2014), 53-6. For editions of De moribus and further references, see chapter 3 below.

18 Charles Verlinden, “L'origin de sclavus-esclave,” Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi, 17 (1942), 97-128. This striking fact impressed the great early-twentieth-century Ukrainian poet Lesya Ukrainka, who wrote an understandably indignant poem about it. See her “Slavus - Sclavus,” in her Zibrannia tvoriv u dvanadtsiaty tomakh, vol. I (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1975), 239; also available in English in Spirit of Flame: A Collection of the Works of Lesya Ukrainka, trans. Percival Cundy (New York: Bookman Associates, 1950), 67-8.

19 For a fascinating first-hand account of Suleiman and Roxelana, see E.S. Forster, ed., The Turkish Letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005), especially 28, 118-19, etpassim. Busbecq was the imperial ambassador to Constantinople from 1554 to 1562. More generally, see Leslie Peirce, Empress of the East: How a European Slave Girl Became Queen of the Ottoman Empire (New York: Basic Books, 2017), which is to be used with care, and see my “Roxolana: Wife of Suleiman the Magnificent,” Nashe zhyttia / Our Life 52, no. 10 (New York, 1995), 15-21. Also see chapter 3 below.

20 For further details, see chapter 3 below and, more briefly, Paul Robert Magocsi, This Blessed Land: Crimea and the Crimean Tatars (Toronto: Chair of Ukrainian Studies, 2014), 47-9 et passim. Again, Lesya Ukrainka wrote many poems on these themes, especially on the fate of female Ukrainian captives in Ottoman Turkey. Most of these are collected in her Zibrannia tvoriv, vol. I. For a Turkish view of what he calls “forced recruitment into the Ottoman elite,” particularly the Devμrme, or collection of older boys from among the Christian inhabitants of the Balkans, for service in the Ottoman military as Janissaries, or in the civil administration, see Ilber Ortayli, Discovering the Ottomans, trans. Jonathan Ross (Markfield, England: Kube, 2009), especially 20-7. Ortayli is good on the volun­tary movement of Christian Slavs into Islamic society, where they were in most cases quickly assimilated, but he does not discuss the Black Sea slave trade, or its implications for Turkish or Ukrainian and eastern European history.

21 George Vernadsky, Bohdan: Hetman of Ukraine (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univer­sity Press, 1941), especially 17.

22 Zbigniew Wojcik, Jan Sobieski 1629-1696 (Warsaw: piw, 1983), especially 51.

23 See Francisci a Mesgnien Meninski, Thesaurus linguarum Orientalium Turcicae Arabicae Persicae... nemirum... Lexicon Turco-Arabo-Persicum... et Grammat- icum Turcicam... etc. (Vienna: N.p. 1680); and Wadaw and Tadeusz Slabczynski, Stownik podroznikow polskich (Warsaw: Wiedza powszechna, 1992), 222, which gives further references.

24 See Kuchubei, “Zv'iazky ukrainskoi literatury,” 414, which quotes, in particular, the 1621 polemic of Zakhariia Kopystensky to the effect that “an Eastern Christian entering a land under Turkish rule is not killed or bothered in any way, but rather his faith experiences not the slightest bit of oppression.”

25 For an English translation of Nikitin's text, see “Afanasy Nikitin's Journey across Three Seas,” in Medieval Russia’s Epics Chronicles and Tales, rev. and enlarged edition, ed. Serge A. Zenkovsky (New York: Dutton, 1974), 333-53.

26 See Pietro's own account of his adventures in the east in The Pilgrim: The Travels of Pietro della Valle, ed. and trans. George Bull (London: Century Hutchinson Folio Society, 1989), especially 117-92. Also see Oleksander Baran, “Kozaky v opysakh Pietra della Valle z XVII stol.,” Ukrainskyi istoryk 17, nos. 1-4 (1980), 95-103, and 18, nos. 1-4 (1981), 128-36.

27 Kuchubei, “Zv'iazky ukrainskoi literatury,” 413.

28 John Stoye, The Siege of Vienna: The Last Great Trial between the Cross and Cres­cent (New York: Pegasus, 2000); Taras Chukhlib, Viden 1683: Ukraina-Rus’ u bytvi za ‘Zolote Iabluko^, Ievropy (Kyiv: Klio, 2013).

29 Andrew Wheatcroft, The Enemy at the Gate: Habsburgs, Ottomans and the Bat­tle for Europe (New York: Perseus, 2010); Leszek Podhorodecki, Jan III Sobieski (Warsaw: Bellona, 2010); Miltiades Varvounis, Jan Sobieski: The King Who Saved Europe (London: XLibris, 2012); Borys Jaminsky, Viden 1683: Kozaky i Kulchytsky (Vienna: Soiuz ukrainskykh filatelistiv Avstrii, 1983); Adam Zamoyski, The Polish Way: A Thousand Year History of the Poles and Their Culture (New York: Franklin Watts, 1988), especially chap. 12: “The Oriental Baroque.” Also see Haydn Wil­liams, Turquerie: An Eighteenth Century European Fantasy (London: Thames and Hudson, 2014).

30 See Vasyl Hryhorovych-Barsky / Vasilii Gregorovich-Barsky, Mandry po sviatykh mistsiakh skhodu z 1723 po 1747 rik, ed. P.V. Bilous (Kyiv: Osnova, 2000); B.M. Dan- tsig, Russkie puteshestvenniki na Blizhnem Vostoke (Moscow: Mysl, 1965), 68-73, and Blizhnii Vostok v russkoi nauke i literature (Do-oktiabrskii period) (Moscow: Nauka, 1973), 233-7, 246-9; Vozniak, Istoriia ukrainskoi literatury, II, 38-41; and V.M. Matiakh, “Hryhorovych-Barsky, Vasyl,” in Entsyklopediia istorii Ukrainy, vol. II (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 2004), 201, which termed Barsky's journal “a no­table event in east Slavonic literature, in fact, starting the autobiographical genre within it.” The journal is frequently listed together with the works of Theofan Prokopovych and Hrabianka as an outstanding example of the eighteenth-century Ukrainian literary language (not yet under strong Muscovite influence), although many lesser examples have also survived. See on this point Ivan Franko, review­ing an essay by Pavlo Zhytetsky on Kotliarevskys Eneyda: Ivan Franko, Zibrannia tvoriv u p’iatdesiaty tomakh, vol. XXXIII (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1982), 34.

31 That scholar was M.S. Petrovsky. See Kuchubei, “Zv'iazky ukrainskoi literatury,” 411.

32 For the quote on Isfahan, see Father Krusinski / Tadeusz Jan Krusinski, History of the Late Revolutions in Persia, 2nd ed., vol. II (London: J. Pemberton, 1733), 8.

33 See SIabczynskis, Slownik, 188-9; M. Kieffer-Kostanecka, “Polak pierwszym au­torem europejskim historii Persji,” Notatki plockie, no. 4 (1977), 45-6; and Bro­nislaw Natonski, “Krusinski, Tadeusz,” in Polski slownik biograficzny (hereafter psb), vol. XV (Wroclaw, 1970), 426-8, which states that Krusinski, a Polish Jesuit, passed through Turkey on his way back to Europe and eventually learned of the report by Durri Efendi, Ottoman ambassador to Iran, who described some of the events he had witnessed and was to write on. Krusinski later translated this re­port into Latin and published it in Lwow / Lviv (1733). Also, while he was in Is­tanbul, a high Ottoman official, Ibrahim Pasha, offered him a post in a planned School of Translators to serve the Ottoman government, which he declined. The Hollis Catalogue at Harvard lists several Latin titles by Krusinski, two, it says, translated into Ottoman Turkish throught the efforts of Ibrahim Mutifferika (a Hungarian convert to Islam) in the eighteenth century, and Tarikh-e Afghan (An Afghan History, 1860). Mutifferikas efforts at printing books in Islamic languages was cut short by the Turkish ulema, or religious scribes and jurisprudents, who feared for their jobs copying manuscripts and objected to the new technology as a foreign, un-Islamic influence. Also see Anna Krasnowolska et al., Historia Iranu (Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 2010), 648.

34 For Potocki's travel writings, see Jean Potocki, Huvres, 6 vols. (Louvain and Paris: Peeters, 2004). Volume I is on Turkey, Egypt, Holland, and Morocco, volume II covers the Caucasus, the European and Central Asian Steppes, and China, and volume III contains some of Potocki's historical writings, including his detailed study on Sarmatia, his Histoire primitive des peuples de la Russie, and his brief essay, “Coup d'ffiil sur les relations politiques entre la Russie et la Porte Ottomane” during the Napoleonic Wars. On Potocki and Jefferson, see Bohdan Yasinsky, “The Ukrainian Collections at the Library of Congress,” online at the Library of Congress website at https://www.loc.gov/rr/european/coll/ukra.html, 11 July 2016. Also see my essay “From Podillia to the Pyramids: The Strange Life and Uncom­mon Death of Count Jan Potocki,” Ukrainian Weekly (Jersey City), nos. 27-8, 1-8 July 2012, 8, at http://ukrweekly.com/archive/pdf3/2012/The_Ukrainian_Week- ly_2012-27-28.pdf; and SIabczynski, Slownik, 250-1.

CHAPTER TWO

1 Stefan Kieniewicz, “Rzewuski, Wadaw Seweryn,” psb, vol. XXXIX, zeszyt 1 / 140 (Wroclaw, 1992), 180-3; “Rzewuski [family],” in Volodymyr Kubijovyc and Dany- lo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. IV (Toronto: University of To­ronto Press, 1993), 487.

2 The historian, who basically accuses Rzewuski of being a “spy,” was Jan Reych- man. See his “Od fascynacji wschoda do Secret Service,” Tworczosc, no. 9 (1969), 38-44. More generally, see Wadaw SIabczynski and Tadeusz SIabczynski, Slownik podroznikow polskich (Warsaw: Wiedza powszechna, 1992), 269-71, which pro­vides a detailed map of Rzewuski's expedition to the Middle East, and J. Chel- rod, “Le voyage en Orient du Comte Wenslaus Rzewuski,” Arabia 42, no. 3 (1995), 404-18; and Sarga Moussa, “Orientalisme et Rousseauism: La representation des Bedouins d'Arabie par un voyageur polonais, Le Comte W. Rzewuski,” Revue d’histoire modern et contemporaine 40, no. 2 (1998), 346-56.

3 Kieniewicz, “Rzewuski,” 182.

4 WacIaw Seweryn Rzewuski, Sur les chevauxprovenant des races orientales, 3 vols. (Warsaw: Biblioteka narodowa, 2014), was not available to me to look at. But for a nicely illustrated Polish edition, see Rzewuski, Podroz do Arabii: O koniach kohe- jlanach beduinach i przygodach w Arabii, ed. and trans. Tadeusz Majda (Warsaw: Biblioteka narodowa, 2004).

5 Kieniewicz, “Rzewuski,” 270-1. For a classic Ukrainian view of Rzewuski / Re- vusky, and also of Padura, see N.P. Dashkevich / Mykola Dashkevych, Otzyv o sochinenii g. Petrova ‘Ocherki istorii ukrainskoi literatury XIX stolettia = Zapiski Imperatorskoi Akademii Nauk (St Petersburg, 1889), vol. LIX, 37-301, especial­ly 191-5, which corrects the literary historian Petrov's view that writers of the Ukrainian School of Polish Literature like Padura have little place in the his­tory of Ukrainian culture. Numerous versions of “Hej sokoly,” both Polish and Ukrainian, are available on Youtube.

6 See in particular Jan K. Ostrowski, “Waclaw Rzewuski w literature i sztuce: Praw- da i legenda,” in Elzbieta Karwowska, ed., Orient i Orientalizm w sztuce (Warsaw: PWN, 1986), 193-216. An expanded and more prolifically illustrated version of this essay, with much additional material on related subjects, especially the Cossack Hetman Ivan Mazepa, is printed in Ostrowski, Barok - romantizm - kresy (War­saw: dig, 2017), which I discovered too late to include here.

7 On Goethe and von Hammer-Purgstall more generally, see Ingeborg H. Solbrig, Hammer-Purgstall und Goethe “Dem Zaubermeister das Werkzeug” (Bern and Frankfurt / M.: Verlag Herbert Lang, 1973), especially 195-6, on Rzewuski and the Mines de Torient / Fundgruben des Orients project. The title page of the journal stated that it was produced by a society of lovers of science “sous les auspices de M. Le Comte Venceslaus Rzewusky.” Also see Ananiasz Zaj¾czkowski, “Z dziejow orientalizmu polskiego, doby mickiewiczowskiej,” in Stefan Strelcyn, ed., Szkice z dziejowpolskiej Orientalistyki (Warsaw: pwn, 1957), 69-94, especially 7, n 3, which quotes from von Hammer's memoirs describing Rzewuski's ride with him in July 1808, and T.F. Malenka, “Hafez, Goethe, Franko: Do problemy retseptsii perskoi klasychnoi poezii,” Skhidnyi svit, no. 1 (2007), 111-15, which points out some par­allels to Goethe's Divan in Ivan Franko's collection of lyric poetry, Ziv’iale lystia (Withered Leaves, 1896).

8 See Sibylle Wentker, “Joseph Freiherr von Hammer-Purgstall: Ein Leben zwischen Orient und Okzident,” in Hannes D. Galter and Siegfried Haas, eds., Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall: Grenzganger zwischen Orient und Okzident (Graz: Leykam, 2008), 1-12, especially 5.

9 Jan Kieniewicz, “Poles vis-a-vis the Orient and Orientalism,” in Tadeusz Majda et al., eds., Oryantalizm: Orientalism in Polish Art (Istanbul: Pera Muzesi, 2014), 22.

10 For a discussion of some of these points, see Marian Ursel, Romantizm (Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo dolnoslqskie, 2000), 165-6. A three-volume translation of Cha­teaubriand was published in Russia in 1815-16. See note 12 below for Viktor Guminsky's article on Gogol. Anna Kozak, “Between Fashion and Tradition: Orientalism in 19th Century Polish Painting,” in Tadeusz Majda et al., eds., Ory- antalizm: Orientalism in Polish Art (Istanbul: Pera Muzesi, 2014), 72, even argues that Polish Orientalism concerned the Kresy and old Poland, not the real Middle East.

11 On Shevchenko's “Kavkaz” (The Caucasus), see chapter 5 below. Yury Kochubei, “Zv'iazky ukrainskoi literatury z literaturamy Blyzkoho i Serednoho Skhodu,” in T.N. Denysova et al., eds., Ukrainska literatura v zahalno-slov’ianskomy i svito- vomu konteksti, vol. III (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1988), 423, notes that Shevchenko was interested enough in Mickiewicz's Farys to write to his Polish friend Bro- nis!aw Zaleski, questioning him about it. For Shevchenko's paintings and sketches on central Asian themes, see his Mystetska spadshchyna, 4 vols. in 5 books (Kyiv: Vyd. an URSR, 1961-63), especially vol. II.

12 Viktor Guminsky, “Puteshestvie Gogola po sviatoi zemle v kontekste razvitie pal- micheskoi literatury,” online at the ‘Russkoe voskesenie' website at http://www. voskres.ru/literature/critics/guminskiy1.html, 26 October 2017. Also see David Magarshack, Gogol: A Life (London: Faber and Faber, n.d.), 270-9. According to Guminsky, in the eighteenth century, each year only a few dozen pilgrims from the Russian Empire (mostly peasants) made their way to Jerusalem, but by the time of Gogol, the yearly number had reached four hundred (many of them no­bles). This essay is printed in Guminsky, Russkaia literatura puteshestvii, 441-85, although I used the online version.

13 For some brief summaries of Chaikovsky's career, see my article “The Strange Life of Sadyk Pasha,” Forum: A Ukrainian Review, no. 50 (Scranton, Penn., 1982), 28-31; Ivan Lysiak-Rudnytsky, “Michal Czajkowski's Cossack Project during the Crimean War: An Analysis of Ideas,” in his Modern Ukrainian History (Edmon­ton: cιus, 1987), 173-86; Adam Lewak, “Czajkowski, MichaI (Sadyk Pasza),” in psb, vol. IV (Cracow, 1938), 155-9; and Mykola Rybak, “Mykhailo Chaikovsky: Mehmet Sadyk Pasha,” in the Almanakh Ukrainskoho Narodnoho Soiuzu na rik 1971 (Jersey City and New York), 86-97. The most detailed biography is in Polish by Jadwiga Chudzikowska, Dziwne zycie Sadyka Paszy: O Michale Czajkowskim (Warsaw: PIW, 1971), but also quite extensive is Vasyl Lutsiv's Ukrainian-language essay, “Legendarnyi nashchadok rodu Briukovetskykh: Mykhailo Chaika-Chaikovsky - Sadyk Pasha,” in his I slava i hordist (State College, Penn.: N.p., 1969), 72-110. As well, there is an entire section on Chaikovsky in the journal Khronika 2000, no. 1 (2013), 411-42, which is a special issue on Turkish-Ukrainian relations.

14 Lewak, “Czajkowski,” 155-6; Chudzikowska, Dziwne zycie Sadyka Paszy, 11-61.

15 Chudzikowska, Dziwne zycie Sadyka Paszy, 62-70.

16 Ibid., 71-130; Lewak, “Czajkowski,” 156; Dashkevych, Otzyv o sochineniig. Petrova Ocherki istorii ukrainskoi Iiteratury XIX stolettia, 195-9.

17 Lewak, “Czajkowski,” 156-9. More generally, Andrew A. Urbanik and Joseph O. Baylen, “Polish Exiles and the Turkish Empire, 1830-1876,” Polish Review 26, no. 3 (1981), 43-53, summarizes Lewak's more extensive work: Dzieje emigracjipolskiej w Turcji (1831-1878) (Warsaw: NakIadem institutu wschodniego w Warszawie, 1935).

18 In addition to the various titles by Lewak cited immediately above in notes 14, 16, and 17, see Reychman, Podroznicy polscy, 52, 68, 153.

19 See in particular Rybak, “Mykhailo Chaikovsky,” 91, and Jozef FijaIak's Introduc­tion to Chaikovsky's Crimean War memoirs: MichaI Czajkowski, Moje wspom- nienia o wojnie 1854 roku (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Ministerstwa Obrony Naro- dowej, 1962), v-xxxviii.

20 On the Cyril-Methodians, see my Mykola Kostomarov, 37-58, especially 57, and George S.N. Luckyj, Young Ukraine: The Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Metho­dius, 1845-1847 (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1991), especially 47-51. Also see Johannes Remy, Brothers or Enemies: The Ukrainian National Movement and Russia from the 1840s to the 1870s (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), chap. 1. On the Cossacks in the Crimean War, see Chaikovsky's Moje wspomnie- nia o wojnie 1854 roku, which is quite detailed.

21 In his various works on the subject, even the modern historian Lewak is quite crit­ical of Chaikovsky, calling him “a renegade.” (This was a term long used by Euro­peans to designate European converts to Islam; it was even common in scholarly work right through to the 1990s.) By contrast, Chudzikowska, Rybak, and oth­ers are more positive. As to Chaikovsky's contemporaries, the poet Mickiewicz was one of his biggest supporters and rushed to Istanbul to join the Ottoman Cossacks. But he took sick there and died in Chaikovsky's arms before he could do any fighting. See Chudzikowska, Dziwne zycie Sadyka Paszy, 427-52, Ursel, Romantyzm, 143, and Chaikovsky's Moje wspomnienia o wojnie 1854 roku, 233. M. Sokolnicki, “Le mort de Mickiewicz en Turquie... 1855,” Belleten 24 (1960), 111-27, was not available to me for this writing.

22 Dashkevych, Otzyv o sochinenii g. Petrova ‘Ocherki istorii ukrainskoi Iiteratury XIX stolettia, 196.

23 Reychman, Podroznicy polscy, 252-61; Slabczynski and Slabczynski, Slownik, 56; Leon Ploszewski, “Chodzko, Aleksander Borejko,” psb, vol. III (Cracow, 1937), 380-1; and Zakharenko, Izuchenie, 168-72, which, as an example of Chodzko's ethnographic interests, tells his story, set in Azerbaijan, of the Virgin's Tower near Baku, supposedly built by Alexander the Great, but named after a young girl who preferred to throw herself to her death off the top rather than surrender to the car­nal desires of a local potentate. Also see Harold Segel, “From the History of Polish Romantic Orientalism: Aleksander Chodzko's ‘Derar,'” in Dietrich Gerhardt, ed., Orbis Scriptus: Dmitrij Tchizewskij zum 70 Geburtstag (Munich, 1966), 707-15.

24 Reychman, Podroznicy polscy; and Jean Calmard, “Chodzko, Aleksander Bore­jko,” in Encyclopedia Iranica, vol. V, fasc. 5 (New York, 1991), 502-4.

25 See Bo Utas, “Borovsky, Izydor,” in Encyclopedia Iranica at http://www.iranica- online.org/articles/borowsky-isidore, 20 July 2002, which gives further referenc­es, and also J. Fedirko, “Tragiczny Bohater Wyprawy Herackiej: General Izydor Borowski” (pdf), Alma Mater, 94 (Cracow, 2007), 121-5. Jan Reychman, “Podroznicy polscy w Iranie,” Przeglqd orientalistyczny, no. 3 (1975), 235-43, further informs us that prior to 1838 a great many Poles in Russian service along the Turkestan and Terek lines fled the Russian Empire, and many took service in Persia. Under Rus­sian diplomatic pressure, the Kajar government of Iran was compelled to expel some five hundred from its army on the eve of the siege of Herat. In this article, Reychman also gives a brief account of Chodzko's career in Iran.

26 See Calmard, “Chodzko,” passim.

27 Ibid. Calmard writes that Chodzko's most controversial work was his Grammaire persane (1852), which was reviewed favourably by the distinguished Orientalist scholar Etienne Quatremere in the Journal des savants (1852) but attacked by the Iranian Mirza Kasem Beg in the Journal asiatique (1853).

28 See Louis Leger, “Chodzko,” Revue encyclopedique 32, no. 2 (Paris, 1892), 491-4, which reports that Chodzko managed to calm things down at the Slavonic chair in Paris after Mickiewicz had stirred up quite a storm with his wild political proph­esies that, he says, had turned the chair into a kind of “Sibylline Tripod.” Leger concludes that Chodzko was “modeste, un peu timide... un poete delicat... un professeur consciencieux... un homme excellent.”

29 Ibid.

30 Ryszard W. Woloszynski, “Sqkowski, Jozef,” in psb, vol. XXXVI (Wroclaw, 1995­96), 422-5; Slabczynski and Slabczynski, Slownik, 278-9; Zakharenko, Izuchenie, 110-11, 195-203.

31 Woloszynski, “Sqkowski, Jozef,” 423.

32 The book was Collectanea z dziejopisow tureckich rzeczy do historii polskiej sluzqcych, 2 vols. (Warsaw, 1824-25). See Woloszynski, “Sqkowski, Jozef,” 421-2. Malenka, “Hafez, Goethe, Franko,” notes that Sqkowski also translated Hafez into Polish under the title Wiersze perskiego poety Hafiza (1838).

33 In English, the only work to treat Sqkowski in any detail is Louis Pedrotti, Jozefi Julian Sfkowski: The Genesis of a Literary Alien (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965), which concentrates on his career in Russian literature; but see 51-6 on Middle Eastern themes and 60 and 88 on the examples of satire mentioned here. As well, compare WoIoszynski, “Sqkowski, Jozef,” with the parallel account by D. Korsakov in the Russkii biograficheskii slovar, vol. XVIII (St Petersburg, 1904), 316-25. Kochubei, “Zv'iazky ukrainskoi literatury,” 423, speculates that Shevchenko may have learned something about Arabic culture from reading Sqkowski. He certainly did take an interest in the Crusades, for, as he noted in his diary, he read in Russian translation J.F. Michaud's pioneering multi­volume history of the Crusades - this would be a translation of Michaud's Histoire des croisades, 6 vols. (Paris, 1812-22) or the six-voume 1840 edition; Michaud also compiled his Bibliotheque des croisades, 4 vols. (Paris, 1829), containing Western sources and, in volume IV, Arabic sources in French translation, and Correspondence d’Orient, 7 vols. (Paris, 1833-35), with letters relating to his travels in the Middle East.

34 WiesIaw Bienkowski, “Jablonowski, Aleksander Walerian,” in psb, vol. X (Wro­claw, 1962-64), 214-16. Pedrotti, JozefJulian Sfkowski, 184, notes that JabIonowski also wrote on Sqkowski, and cites his Pisma, vol.VII.

35 For one of the very few accounts in English, see my “Acquainting Two Worlds: Krymsky as Orientalist,” Nasha zhyttia / Our Life 49, nos. 7-8 (New York, 1992), 21-4. For a fuller biography in Ukrainian, see Solomiia Pavlychko, Natsionalizm seksualnist orientalizm: Skladnyi svit Ahatanhela Krymskoho (Kyiv: Osnova, 2000).

36 See Jaroslaw Stetkevych, “Encounter with the East: The Orientalist Poetry of Ahatanhel Krymsky,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 8, nos. 3-4 (1984), 321-50.

37 See the brief popular article by Yury Kochubei, “Oriental iz Ukrainy,” Ukrainskyi tyzhden, no. 13 (Kyiv, 2010), 46-8.

38 See Omeljan Pritsak, “Slovo pro Ahatanhela Krymskoho,” Visnyk an ursr, no. 6 (1991), 3-24.

39 Ibid., 15-16.

40 Ahatanhel Krymsky, Tvory v p’iaty tomakh, 5 vols. in 6 books (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1972-73). Volume IV contains most of his major (scholarly) “Oriental­ist” works in the Ukrainian language, which were, however, severely abridged by the Soviet censors for this edition. After the collapse of the ussr, his Istoriia Turechchyny (Kyiv and Lviv: Olir, 1996) was republished in full in independent Ukraine. For a bibliography of Krymsky's works and some works about him, see A.Iu. Krymsky: Bibliohrafichnyipokazhchyk (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1972), which lists some 1,484 titles.

41 For an extensive article on Krymsky, with an updated bibliography, see O.V. Ias, “Krymsky, Ahatanhel,” in Entsyklopediia istorii Ukrainy, vol. V (Kyiv: Nauko- va dumka, 2008), 362-4. A new and much fuller edition of Krymsky's Collected Works is presently in preparation in Kyiv; four volumes have already appeared.

42 See Agata Wojcik, “Nadworny malarz sultana,” Alma Mater, no. 124 (Cracow, 2010), 42-4, and “Jean-Leon Gerome and StanisIaw Chlebowski,” riha Journal, at https√∕doi.org∕1o.11588∕riha.2o1o.o.68542, 27 December 2010. Also see MieczysIaw Treter, “Chlebowski, Stanislaw,” in psb, vol. III (Cracow, 1957), 296, and D.Kh. Murat, “Iz Stambula vo Lvova,” at http://gazavat.ru/history3.php?rub=188art=132, 5 November 2016 (link defunct), which details how Chlebowski's portraits of the nineteenth-century Chechen rebel Shamil and his son Mohammed Shefi came to be painted, and Semra Germaner and Zeynep Inankur, Constantinople and the Orientalists (Istanbul: Isbank, 2002), 62, 65. There is also a considerable amount of material on Chlebowski, including many illustrations, in Majda et al., eds., Ory- antalizm, passim, especially 140-61.

43 Both Bosphorus pictures, with commentary, are reproduced online at the web­site of the Polonia Institute in Istanbul at http://poloniaistanbul.wordpress. com∕2012∕01∕04utopiona-w-bosforze∕, 5 November 2016. Also see Reychman, Po- droznicy polscy, 75-6. On Matejko and the Ukrainians, in whom the painter also saw much that was “Oriental,” see Adam Swi¾tek, ‘Lach serdeczny^,: Jan Matejko a Rusini (Cracow: wuj, 2013). On his “monumental” canvas on 1683, see my “Paint­ing and Politics in the Vatican Museum: Jan Matejko's ‘Sobieski at Vienna (1683)',” Logos: A Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 60, nos. 1-4 (2019); illustrated edition published online at https://www.academia.edu/42739074/Painting_and_Politics_ April, 3 May 2019.

44 Some of these are reproduced in Anna Bernat, Jozef Brandt 1841-1915 (Warsaw: Edipress, 2007), unpaginated, which gives further references. Also see the sub­stantial article on Brandt in Aleksandra Gorska, ed., Wielka ensyklopedia ma­larstwa polskiego (Cracow: Kluszczynski, 2011), 180-5. Brandt was preceded in such interests by Aleksander OrIowski (1777-1832), who was born in Warsaw but is sometimes considered “a Russian painter.” He was the creator of the mysterious Eastern Rider (1805), which was almost certainly modelled on Rembrandt's Polish Rider (c. 1655), and also of The Kirghiz Detachment (1811-13), The Persian Nota­ble (1811), and other such works. See Gorska, ed., Wielka ensyklopedia malarstwa polskiego, 471-4. Brandt was succeeded a generation later by WacIaw Pawliszak (1866-1903), who painted Emir Rzewuski among the Arabs and other such pic­tures; see Gorska, ed., Wielka ensyklopedia malarstwa polskiego, 486.

45 See in particular my article “A Painter from Ukraine: Ilya Repin,” Canadian Sla­vonic Papers 55, nos. 1-2 (2013), 19-43; illustrated version available online at both Slideshare and Academia.com. On Yavornytsky in Egypt, see I.M. Hapusenko, Dmytro Ivanovych Iavornytsky (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1969), 23. Yavornytsky had lively interests in the Islamic world and Asia, published a histor­ical and archaeological guide to central Asia from Baku to Tashkent (1893), and wrote a brief biography of the Prophet Mohammed, which was published only in 1992. See Serhii Kirzhaiev and Vasyl Ulianovsky, “Skhidni zori Akademika D.I. Yavornytskoho,” Vsesvit, nos. 3-4 (1992), 168-81. Further on Repin's Zapor- ozhians, see chapter 9 in this volume.

46 For the full text of Ukrainka's “Vesna v Yehypti,” see her Zibrannia tvoriv, I, 363-7, partly translated in Jaroslav B. Rudnyyckyj, Egypt in the Life and Work of Lesya Ukrainka (Ottawa: Slavistica, no. 83, 1983). She also wrote the play Aisha and Mo­hammed using an Islamic context to stress the idea of eternal love. See the brief note in Constantine Bida, Lesya Ukrainka: Life and Work (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968), 62. In this, she was in part following the writer Pantelei­mon Kulish (1819-1897), the first Ukrainian poet to give serious attention to Islam. Kulish never visited the Middle East, but under the influence of John W. Draper became an “Islamophile” in late life and penned three poems or pieces on the Is­lamic world: “Mohammed and Khadija” (a love story), “Marusia Bohuslavka,” and “Baida,” all based largely on folk legends, but critical of “Cossack Barbarism.” See George S.N. Luckyj, Panteleimon Kulish: A Sketch of His Life and Times (Bolder, Col.: East European Monographs, 1983), 174-5.

47 Khrystyna Sanotska and Ariadna Trush, “Arabski motyvy Ivana Trusha,” Vsesvit, no. 11 (1979), 150-4. Also see Yury Kochubei, “Orientalni motivy v ukrainskomu obrazotvorchomu mystetsvi,” Skhidnyi svit, no. 4 (2004), 1327, which also briefly treats Trush.

48 See O.M. Dziuba, “Yaroshenko, Mykola Oleksandrovych," in Entsyklopediia isto- rii Ukrainy, vol. X (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 2013), 762, and “Nikolai Yaroshenko: Russkii i Ukrainskii zhivopisets i portratist,” on the website of the “Itinerants” As­sociation of Artists at http://www.tphv-history.ru/persons/Nikolay-Yaroshenko.html, 14 December 2016.

49 Stavrou and Weisensel, Russian Travelers, 616-17; V.P. Kovalenko, “Mordovets, Danylo Lukich,” in Entsyklopediia istorii Ukrainy, vol. VII (Kyiv: Naukova dum- ka, 2010), 68-70.

50 See the official journal describing the pilgrimage: Vasyl Matsiurak and Yuliian Dzerovych, Iak to Rus’ khodyla slidamy Danyla: Propamiatna knyha pershoho rus- koho palomnytsva v Sviatu Zemliu vid 5 do 28 veresnia 1906 (Zhovka: Pechatnia oo. Vasyliian, 1907, 368 pp.; reprint Ivano-Frankivsk, 2015), with an introductory poem by Vasyl Shchurat on “The Monk Daniel [of Chernihiv],” two hundred il­lustrations, and modern spelling and orthography. The complete original text, which is the version that I consulted, is available online at www.anthropos.Inu. edu.ua/jspui/handle/1234567/2189, 28 March 2016. For information on the reprint, see Natalia Paliy, “A Book by Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky on Travel to the Holy Land Republished in Ivano-Frankivsk,” Religious Information Service of Ukraine, 2 November 2015, risu.org.ua/en/index/all.news/catholics/ugcc/61570/. For more on the metropolitan, see “Sheptytsky, Andrei,” in Volodymyr Kubijovyc and Danylo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. IV (Toronto: Uni­versity of Toronto Press, 1993), 638-41, and for a detailed biography, see Cyrille Korolevskij, Metropolite Andre Szeptyckyj 1865-1944 (Rome: Ukrainske boho- slovske tovarystvo, 1964), especially 47-8, which describes the pilgrimage and its commemorative book “magnifiquement imprime par les Basiliens a Zovka.” Sheptytsky, a long-time student of Hebrew, has recently become a renewed focus of Jewish-Ukrainian reconciliation because of his sheltering of Jews during the Second World War. See, for example, Paul Robert Magocsi and Yohanan Petro- vsky-Shtern, Jews and Ukrainians: A Millennium of Co-existence (University of Toronto Press for the Chair of Ukrainian Studies, 2016), 77-8 et passim.

CHAPTER THREE

1 For some context, see William H. McNeill, Europe’s Steppe Frontier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), especially 26-31; Paul Coles, The Ottoman Im­pact on Europe (London: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1968), 28, 53; and Paul Rob­ert Magocsi, A History of Ukraine: The Land and Its Peoples (Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 184-7. For general histories of the Crimean Tatars, which treat the khanate quite briefly, see Alan Fisher, The Crimean Tatars (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1978), and Paul Robert Magocsi, This Blessed Land: Crimea and the Crimean Tatars (Toronto: Chair of Ukrainian Stud­ies, 2014). For a more detailed treatment, see Gulnara Abdulaeva, Zolotaia epokha Krymskogo Khanstva (Simferopol: Krimuchpedgiz, 2012). On the rulers, see Olek- sa Haivoronsky, Poveliteli dvukh materikov, several vols. (Kyiv and Bakhchesarai: Maisterniia knigi, 2007- ), which “rehabilitates” the khanate for the Ukrainian and Russian publics, but does not discuss slave raiding, for which see Dariusz Kolodiejczyk, “Slave Hunting and Slave Redemption as a Business Enterprise: The Northern Black Sea Region in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” Oriente moderno 86, no. 1 (2006), 149-59. Also see Maria Ivanics, “The Crimean Tatars,” in Gabor Agoston and Bruce Masters, eds., Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire (London: Facts on File, 2009), 158-61.

2 See, for example, M.A. Alekberli, Borba ukrainskogo naroda protiv Turetsko- tatarskoi agressii (Saratov: Izdat. saratovskogo universiteta, 1961). For a general bibliography on Ukraine and the Middle East, see Iu.M. Kochubei, Ukraina i skhid: Kulturni vzaiemozviazky Ukrainy i narodamy Blyzkoho i Serednoho Skhodu 1917-1992 (Kyiv: NANU, 1998).

3 A major problem for historians is the paucity of references to the terms “Ukraine” and “Ukrainians” in the sources. Throughout the period, the ancestors of the modern Ukrainians were generally known (in different western European lan­guages) as “Cossacks,” “Ruthenians,” “Russes,” “Russiotes,” and “Russians,” and the ancestors of today's Russians, usually as “Russians” or more frequently “Mus­covites.” For an introduction with full references, see Brian J. Boeck, “What's in a Name? Semantic Separation and the Rise of the Ukrainian National Name,” Har­vard Ukrainian Studies 27, nos. 1-4 (2004-5), 3365, and for greater detail: Natalia Yakovenko, “Choice of Name versus Choice of Path: The Names of Ukrainian Territories from the Late Sixteenth to the Late Seventeenth Century,” in Georgiy Kasianov and Philipp Ther, eds., A Laboratory of Transnational History: Ukraine and Recent Ukrainian Historiography (Budapest and New York: Central Europe­an University Press, 2009), 117-48.

4 See, in particular, Murray Gordon, Slavery in the Arab World (New York: New Amsterdam, 1989); Bernard Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Ehud R. Toledano, The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression: 1840-1890 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982): and Y. Hakan Erdem, Slavery in the Ottoman Empire and Its Demise 1800-1909 (Oxford: St Martin's Press, 1996). The briefer treatments of Hans Muller, “Sklaven,” in B. Spuler, ed., Handbuch der Orientalistikpart 1, vol. VI (Leiden and Cologne: Brill, 1977), 54-83, and R. Brunschvig, “Abd,” in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed. (Leiden and London: Brill, 1960), I, 24-40, both completely ignore the role of eastern Eu­rope after medieval times. More directly relevant are several titles by Alan Fisher, “Muscovy and the Black Sea Slave Trade,” Canadian-American Slavic Studies 6, no. 4 (1972), 575-94, “Les rapports entre l'Empire ottoman et la Crimee: L'aspect financier,” Cahiers du monde russe et sovietique 13 (1972), 368-81, “Azov in the Six­teenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” Jahrbucherfur Geschichte Osteuropas 21, no. 2 (1973), 164-74, “The Sale of Slaves in the Ottoman Empire: Market and State Taxes on Slave Sales: Some Preliminary Considerations,” Bogazifi Universitesi Dergi- si, Beferi Bilimler6 (1978), 149-73, “The Ottoman Crimea in the Mid-Seventeenth Century: Some Problems and Preliminary Considerations,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 3 / 4 (1979-80), 215-26, and “Chattel Slavery in the Ottoman Empire,” Slav­ery and Abolition, no. 1 (1980), 25-45. See also the pioneering essay by the distin­guished Ottomanist Halil Inalcik, “Servile Labor in the Ottoman Empire,” in his Studies in Ottoman Social and Economic History (London: Variorum, 1985), part 7, 26-52, and the more recent syntheses by Madeline C. Zilfi, “Slavery,” in Gabor Agoston and Bruce Masters, eds., Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire (London: Facts on File, 2009), 530-3; Alan Fisher, “Ottoman Empire,” in Paul Finkelman and Joseph C. Miller, eds., Macmillan Encyclopedia of World Slavery, vol. II (New York and London: Macmillan, 1998), 660-63; E. Ann McDougall, “Islam,” in Paul Finkelman and Joseph C. Miller, eds., Macmillan Encyclopedia of World Slavery, vol. I (New York and London: Macmillan, 1998), 434-9; and Suraiya Faroqhi, The Ottoman Empire and the World around It (London and New York: I.B. Tau- ris, 2007), 98-136. There are also several articles relevant to our theme (“Coran et Charia,” “Mohamet,” “Monde musulman,” and “Orientalisme”) in O. Petre- Grenouilleau, ed., Dictionnaire des esclavages (Paris: Larousse, 2010). Also see W.G. Clarence-Smith, Islam and the Abolition of Slavery (New York: Oxford Uni­versity Press, 2006).

5 See, in particular, O.I. Halenko, “Pro tatarski nabihy na ukrainski zemli,” Ukrain- skyi istorychnyi zhurnal, no. 6 (2003), 52-68, and Ya. Dashkevych, “Bol’shaia granitsa Ukrainy: Etnicheskii barer ili etnokontaktnaia zona,” in his Maisternia istoryka, ed. Andrii Hrechylo et al. (Lviv: Literaturna ahentsiia Piramida, 2011), 448-61.

6 Charles Verlinden, Lesclavage dans l^,Europe medievale, vol. I (Brugge: De Tempel, 1955), 211-13 and passim; David Ayalon, “On the Eunuchs in Islam,” Jerusalem Stu­dies in Arabic and Islam1 (1979), 67-124; Hans Muller, Die Kunst des Sklavenkaufs nach arabischenpersischen und turkischen Ratgebern von 10. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert (Freiburg: Swartz, 1980), 79, 86, 104, 125; and, more briefly, John Tolan et al., Europe and the Islamic World: A History (Princeton, nj, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2013), 66-7. On the Saqaliba, also see Appendix A in the present work.

7 In Mykhailo Hrushevsky, History of Ukraine-Rus’, vol. I, trans. M. Skorupsky (Edmonton and Toronto: cιus, 1997), 227, citing G. Jacob, Welche Handelartikel bezogen die Araber des Mittelalters aus den nordisch-baltischen Landern, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1891), 12. Also see Tolan et al., Europe and the Islamic World, 67.

8 Walter Skeat, A Concise Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, 11th im­pression (New York: Pedegree, 1980), 491; and, most important, Charles Verlinden, “L'origine de sclavus = esclave,” Archivum Latinitatis medii aevi 17 (1942), 97-128. Also see my article online: “Say ‘Goodbye,’ but Pause a Sec before Saying ‘Chow,’” 4 pp., posted to Slideshare and at the blog of the Toronto Galician Genealogy Group: https://www.slideshare.net/ThomasMPrymak/say-goodbye-but-pause-a- sec-before-saying-chow-56408079, 23 December 2015, or http://www.onyschuk. com/wordpresstugg/?p=630, 5 November 2016. The classical Latin word for slave was servus. Also see O. Petre-Grenouilleau, “Slaves,” in O. Petre-Grenouilleau, ed., Dictionnaire des esclavages (Paris: Larousse, 2010), 510-13. More generally, see Charles Verlinden, “Medieval Slavers,” in David Herlihy, ed., Economy, Society, and Government in Medieval Italy (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1969), 1-14, and M. Balard, La mer noire et la Romanie genoise (XIII^e-XV^e siecles) (Lon­don: Variorum, 1989), which give further references.

9 Jaroslav Pelenski, “The Sack of Kiev of 1482 in Contemporary Musovite Chroni­cle Writing,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 3 / 4 (1979-80), 638-49; Mykhailo Hru- shevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, 10 vols. (Lviv and Kyiv, 1898-1937), IV, 325-6. (I have used the second, or 1907 edition, published by the author simultaneously in Lviv and Kyiv.) This was technically not the first Crimean attack on Ukrainian territory, but it had incomparably greater political and psychological impact than previous raids.

10 See, in particular, Natalie Kononenko, Ukrainian Minstrels: And the Blind Shall Sing (Armonk and London: M.E. Sharpe, 1998). Also see her Ukrainian Epic and Historical Song: Folklore in Context (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2019), which I saw too late to incorporate into this chapter.

11 For more detail on this theme, see chapter 9 below.

12 Dariusz Kolodziejczyk, “Slave Hunting and Slave Redemption as a Business Enter­prise: 'The Northern Black Sea Region in the Sixteenth to Seventeenth Centuries,” Oriente Moderno 25 (86), no. 1, The Ottomans and Trade (2006), 150.

13 Adam Naruszewicz, Tauryka czyly wiadomosci Starozytne i poznieysze o stanie Wiieszkancach Krymu do naszych czasow, 2nd ed. (Warsaw: Tadeusz Mostowski w drukarnia przy Nowolipiu, 1805), 85, as quoted by Olgierd Gorka, “Liczebnosc Tatarow i ich wojsk,” Przeglqd Historyczno-Wojskowy 8, no. 2 (1936), 232 / 48. I was unable to confirm this quotation in the original text. Also see O.V. Rusyna, Ukraina pid Tataramy i Lytvoiu (Kyiv: Alturnatyvy, 1998), 43-4.

14 Gorka, “Liczebnosc Tatarow,” 185-295, resume in French, 327-30; also printed separately (Warsaw, 1936), 111 pp.

15 Leszek Podhorodecki, Chanat Krymski i jego stosunki z Polska w XV-XVIII w. (Warsaw: Ksiqzka i wiedza, 1987), 40-2. Similar figures have been given by Wladyslaw Serczyk, Na dalekiej Ukrainie: Dzieje Kozaczyzny do 1648 roku (Cra­cow: Wydawnictwo literackie, 1984), 66, and Fisher, The Crimean Tatars, 37.

16 Alexandre Bennigsen et al., Le Khanate de Crimee dans les Archives du Musee du Palais de Topkapi (Paris: Mouton, 1978), 7, 21. The figure of eighty thousand has also been accepted by L.J.D. Collins, “The Military Organization and Tactics of the Crimean Tatars during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” in V.J. Parry and M.E. Yapp, eds., War, Technology and Society in the Middle East (Lon­don: Oxford University Press, 1975), 257-76, especially 260, which closely follows S.M. Kuczynski, “Tatarzy pod Zbarazem,” in his Studia z dziejow Europy wschod- niej X-XVIII w. (Warsaw: pwn, 1965), 227-46, a severe critic of Gorka.

17 Hrushevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, IV, 330-5.

18 Maurycy Horn, Skutki economiczne najazdow tatarskich z lat 1605-1633 na Rus Czerwona (Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1964). In comparison, Muscovy, a very large state, lost only about 150,000-200,000 people to the Tatars between about 1600 and 1650. Its centralized, authoritarian state had established a fortified defensive “line” and warning system along its entire southern border, whereas highly de­centralized Poland-Lithuania relied heavily on diplomacy, local strong points, border lords' private armies, and independent Cossack detachments. See A.A. Novoselsky, Borba moskovskogogosudarstva s Tatarami vXVII veke (Moscow and Leningrad: an sssr, 1948), 368-72, on the “lines,” and 434-6, on Muscovite demo­graphic losses; see Podhorodecki, Chanat Krymski, 96, for a brief discussion of Polish-Lithuanian defences.

19 Bohdan Baranowski, Chtoppolski w walce z Tatarami (Warsaw: Ludowa spoldziel- nia wydawicza, 1952), 49. This text adds (56) that “the Tatars sold a significant part of the yasir to Turkey, which was the main receiver of this type of ‘goods.' In the seventeenth century [the apparent apogee of the Black Sea slave trade] about 20,000 captives were yearly transported there from the Crimea.”

20 Ya.R. Dashkevych, “lasyr z Ukrainy (XV-persha polovyna XVII st.) iak isto- ryko-demohrafichna problema,” Ukrainskyi arkheohrafichnyi shchorichnyk, no. 2 (Kyiv, 1993), 40-7.

21 Inalcik, “Servile Labor in the Ottoman Empire,” 39; and Fisher, “Chattel Slavery in the Ottoman Empire,” 32. Also see Victor Taki, Tsar and Sultan: Russian En­counters with the Ottoman Empire (London: I.B. Tauris, 2016), 53.

22 Halil Inalcik, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age 1300-1600 (London: Wei- denfeld and Nicolson, 1973), 131.

23 As does, for example, Iurii Zinchenko, Krymski Tatary: Istorychnyi narys (Kyiv: Holovna spetsializovana redaktsii literatury movamy natsionalnykh menshchyn Ukrainy, 1998), 43-4, which cites three hundred and fifty thousand lost and killed during the entire sixteenth century and three hundred thousand “captured” in the first half of the seventeenth. Most recently, I. Tymkiv, “Tatarski nabihy na ukrainski zemli v 30-40 rr. XVI st.,” Severnyi litopys, no. 3 (2017), 3-19, found that Ukraine lost some thirty thousand people during the 1530s and 1540s. KoIodzie- jczyk, “Slave Hunting and Slave Redemption,” 152, notes that such figures are com­parable to the transatlantic slave trade for the same period. More generally, Wil­liam J. Bernstein, A Splendid Exchange: How Trade Shaped World History (New York: Grove Press, 2008), especially the table on 276, shows the latter consider­ably smaller than the Black Sea trade throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, surpassing it only some years later, and reaching its peak in the late eighteenth. Of the approximately twenty thousand scholarly publications on slav­ery published since 1966, only the handful cited in the present study cover the Black Sea; for the twenty-thousand figure, see in particular Joseph C. Miller, The Problem of Slavery as History: A Global Approach (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Uni­versity Press, 2012), 12-13.

24 Specialized studies of raids in certain times and places sometimes give startlingly low numbers. Thus D.I. Bahalii, Istoriia Slobodskoi Ukrainy, 2nd ed. (Kharkiv: Osnova, 1990), 49-50, says hundreds, not thousands, for even the large raids on eastern Ukraine under Russian rule during the 1680s and 1690s; Halil Sahillioglu, “Slaves in the Social and Economic Life of Bursa in the Late 15th and Early 16th Centuries,” Turcica 17 (1985), 43-112, offers similarly low figures - though at a time when the number of Ukrainian and Russian slaves in the Ottoman Empire was rapidly increasing; and Halil Inalcik, The Customs Register of Caffa 1487-1490, ed. Victor Ostapchuk, in Sources and Studies on the Ottoman Black Sea, vol. I (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 1996), contains very little on the slave trade. Fisher, “The Ottoman Crimea in the Mid-Seventeenth Century,” plays down the slave trade, which, the author admits, involved about one quarter of the commerce in the bustling port of Kaffa.

25 Podhorodecki, Chanat Krymski, 59-60.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid. For a first-hand account of Tatar raiding organization from a Muslim point of view, see Evliya Chelebi, Ksifgapodrozy Ewliji Czebeliego, ed. and trans. by Z. Abra- hamowicz (Warsaw: Ksi¾zka i wiedza, 1969), 232-5, which remarks on the fear that the Tatar raiders inspired among the Christian population. Also see Baranowski, Chtop polski w walce z Tatarami, 8-9. For certain periods, we have detailed knowl­edge of even small raids. For example, diplomatic sources in the 1540s reveal sev­enteen especially active leaders of Tatar raiding parties operating regularly out of Ochakiv and other Black Sea ports. 'Their names - Belek Murza, Sinan Aga, Taksari, Bigocha, Kormanak, Haji Lisan, and others - were known both in Cracow and in Is­tanbul. See Andrzei Dziubinski, “Handel niewolnikami polskimi i ruskimi w Turcji w XVI wieku i jego organizacja,” in Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, vol. III (1963), 39-40. I obtained this title on interlibrary loan from the University of War­saw. It is also sometimes listed as Zeszyty Historyczne Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego.

28 The classic, contemporary description of Tatar raiding and military tactics is by the French engineer in Polish military service, Guillaume le Vasseur Sieur de Beauplan, A Description of Ukraine, 3rd ed. (London, 1744; photo-reprint New York: Organization for the Defence of [the] Four Freedoms of Ukraine, 1959), 459-64. Also see Serczyk, Na dalekiej Ukrainie, 64-71, and Podhorodecki, Chanat Krymski, 52-9.

29 Yaroslav Kis, “Tatarski shliakhy na Ukraini v XVI-XVIII st.,” Zhovten, no. 4 (1986), 134-6; Podhorodecki, Chanat Krymski, 57-8.

30 Sigismund von Herberstein, Notes upon Russia, vol. II (London, 1852; reprint New York: B. Franklin, n.d.), 65. Similarly, the Tatar chronicler Haji Mehmed Senai, in his Historia Chana Islam Gereja III, Ottoman Turkish text and Polish translation, ed. and trans. Z. Abrahamowicz (Warsaw: pwn, 1971), 116, boasted that during the great campaign of 1648, when “plunder beyond measure was taken,” every Tatar would keep only the most beautiful girls and the handsomest boys and daily kill ten or fifteen prisoners. Haji Mehmed may have been exaggerating; certainly 1648 was an exceptional year. For a contemporary description of more usual tactics, see Beauplan, Description of Ukraine, 460, and for modern discussions, see Collins, “Military Organization and Tactics,” 267-8, and Novoselsky, Borba moskovskogo gosudarstva, 434-6, which notes that the Tatars usually killed very few people, seeking mainly live yasir. On the low value of small children, see Gilles Veinstein, “Missionaires jesuits et agents franςais en Crimee au debut du XVIII^e siecle,” Ca- hiers du monde russe et sovietique 10, nos. 3-4 (1969), 414-58, especially 435.

31 Text in Mykhailo Drahomanov, Pro ukrainskykh Kozakiv, Tatar ta Turkiv (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1991), 10 (my translation). This booklet, from the 1870s, is a popular-style distillation of research on the Tatar / Turkish theme as reflected in Ukrainian folk poetry collected in Volodymyr Antonovych and Mykhailo Drahomanov, Istorich- eskiepesni malorusskogo naroda, 2 vols. (Kyiv: M.P. Frits, 1874-75). This work con­tains extensive historical and comparative-literary analysis and has recently been reprinted as volume I of Mykhailo Drahomanov, Folklorystychni studii, 4 vols., ed. V. Biliavsky (Donetsk: Nord-press, 2006-08), although I have used the first edition.

32 Marcin Broniewski, ambassador of the Polish King Stefan Batory (reigned 1576­86) to the Crimean court, has left a first-hand account of the return of a raiding expedition. Originally published in Cologne in 1595 in Latin as Tartariae descrip- tio, it was quickly translated into English and is available as Martin Broniovius, “Collections out of Martin Broniovius... containing a Description of Tartaria,” in Hakluytus Postumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes, vol. XIII (Glasgow: James Ma­cLehose and Sons, 1906), 461-91, especially 487. Broniewski states that the khan received a tenth of the booty, and Fisher, “Muscovy and the Black Sea Slave Trade,” 583, follows him, pointing out, however, that Muslim rulers usually demanded a fifth, since, according to Islamic law, one-fifth of all booty “belongs to Allah.” By contrast, Podhorodecki, Chanat Krymski, 58, states that the khan took a full fifth, and the kalga sultan or the nureddin a tenth. In this he follows Abrahamowicz (Haji Mehmed Senai), Historia Chana Islam Gereja III, 157-8, n 125, citing Evliya Chelebi, Seyahat-name, 10 vols. (Istanbul, 1896-1938), VII, 545, who notes that the khan would on occasion urge his followers on by promising them half of his share of “camp followers” (chura / chora) and “young girls” (dimka, from the Ukrainian divka).

33 Beauplan, Description of Ukraine, 460.

34 “Busurman” in this passage is a Slavonic rendering of the Persian / Ottoman term “Mosalman” (Muslim). (See Appendices B and C to the present work.) In An- tonovych and Drahomanov, Istoricheskiepesni malorusskogo naroda, I, 89, no. 39, variant A; quoted in full and analysed in K. Ierofeev, “Krym v malorusskoi narod- noi poezii XVI-XVII vv. preimushchestvenno v dumakh,” Izvestiia Tavricheskoi Uchenoi Arkhivnoi Kommissii, no. 42 (Simferopol, 1908), 73-87, especially 80 (my translation).

35 Chelebi, Ksifga podrozy Ewliji Czelebiego, 308 (section on the Crimea). This pas­sage refers to Turkish, not Tatar, slave traders in the Crimean town of Karasu. In theory at least, Islamic law prohibited slave raiding outside the bounds of jihad (Holy War), to extend or defend the faith. See “Coran et Charia,” 165.

36 Hrushevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, VII, 95. In this case, with Poles and Cossacks in hot pursuit right up to the gates of Ochakiv.

37 V. Khenzel / W. Hensel, “Problema iasyria v polsko-turetskikh otnosheniiakh XVI-XVII vv.,” in B.A. Rybakov, ed., Rossiia Polska i Prichernomore (Moscow: Nauka, 1979), 147-58, especially 158; Kolodziejczyk, “Slave Hunting and Slave Re­demption,” 157.

38 Baranowski, Chtop polski w walce z Tatarami, 50-2 and passim. Such instances were, however, the exception rather than the rule. In general, it was in the Tatars' self-interest to keep wealthy prisoners healthy, for if they got sick or died, they would be of no value at all; 52-3 gives several examples of captured military and civic leaders who were well treated by the Tatars.

39 Martin Broniovius (Broniewski), “Description of Tartaria,” 487. The account of Captain John Smith of Pocahontas fame (who prior to his adventures in what became the United States had been in eastern Europe, where for a while he was a captive of the Tatars) seems to be somewhat exaggerated and directly contradicts Broniewski. In his True Travels, Adventures and Observations (London: Thomas Slater, 1630; photo-reprint Amsterdam: Da Capo Press, 1968), 30, Smith claimed of the Tatars that “the better they finde you, the worse they will use you, til you doe agree to pay such a ransome as they will impose upon you; therefore many great persons have indured much misery to conceale themselves.” Perhaps it was best to be neither too rich nor too poor, but rather a middle-level gentleman not attracting special attention but able to pay a modest ransom.

40 Drahomanov, Pro ukrainskykh Kozakiv Tatar ta Turkiv, 13-14, gives the full text in Ukrainian. For the somewhat abbreviated form quoted here, see Mykhailo Hru- shevsky, A History of Ukraine (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1941), 160-1.

41 On Kaffa generally, see “Teodosiia,” in Volodymyr Kubijovyci and Danylo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. V (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), 190-1. Fisher, “Muscovy and the Black Sea Slave Trade,” 583, states that the slave merchants “were mainly non-Muslim.” Fisher claims that “Greeks, Arme­nians, Jews, and a few Italians handled the bulk of the sales.” However, none of the authorities that he cites go so far. Alekberli, Borba ukrainskogo naroda protiv Turetsko-tatarskoi agressii, 104, observes: “On the markets of Kaffa, Evpatoria, Karasubazar, and Bakhchesarai, Turks and Tatars, Greeks and Jews, were occu­pied with the trade in human beings.” Similarly, Nikolaus Ernst, “Die ersten Ein- falle der Krymtataren in Sudrussland,” Zeitschrift fur osteuropaische Geschichte, III (1913), 51, also cited by Fisher, takes a similar position. To be exact, he writes: “Viele Sklaven kamen ja auch in die Hande der Griechen, Italiener, Armenier, und Juden in den Stadten der Krym. Die Hauptmasse der Sklaven aber wurde nach auswarts verkauft.” (Indeed, in the cities of the Crimea many slaves also came into the hands of the Greeks, Italians, Armenians, and Jews. But the greater part of the slaves were sold to be sent abroad.) But neither Alekberli nor Ernst cites any source for these statements. C. Orhonlu, “Kefe,” in Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden and London: Brill, 1960), 2nd ed., vol. IV, part 2, 868-70, stresses the many Ar­menians and Greeks in the city - it was called “Istanbul the Lesser” because of its ethnic diversity - and notes that it was “a traditional centre of the slave trade.” However, the entry otherwise ignores the subject.

42 Michael the Lithuanian / Mykolas Lietuvis, De moribus Tartarorum, Lituanorum et Moschorum (Basil: Apud Conradum Waldkirchium, 1615); photo-reprint with a Lithuanian trans., ed. K. Korsakas (Vilnius: Vaga, 1966), 11. I have also used the most recent Russian translation: Mikhailon Litvin, O nravakh Tatar Litovtsev i Moskvitian, trans. V.I. Matuzova (Moscow: Izdatelstvo moskovskogo universi- teta, 1994), 72-3. “Non urbs [est] sed vorago sanguinis nostri” (12). The travails of the Kaffa slave market remained legendary in Ukrainian culture right into the twentieth century. For example, it was alluded to by Taras Shevchenko, and after 1945 the refugee Ukrainian Bandurist Chorus composed and performed a duma (reflective song) about it, which was well received by audiences throughout western Europe and North America. See the Shevchenkivska entsyklopediia, vol. I (Kyiv: NANU, Institut literatury, 2012), 323, which refers to the “Nevolnychyi rynok u Kafi,” (the slave market in Kaffa).

43 See Fisher, “Sale of Slaves in the Ottoman Empire,” 156-7, citing the article on slaves in the Istanbul Ansiklopedisi, vol. X (Istanbul, 1971), 5271-3. Fisher gives a list of the mid-seventeenth-century Istanbul slave merchants, all Muslim. Thus the well-attested story that Jews predominated in the Istanbul trade (accepted by Robert Mantran, Istanbul dans la second moitie du XVII^e siecle [Paris: A. Mais- soneuve, 1962], 449, 506-7, and at one time by Fisher, “Muscovy and the Black Sea Slave Trade,” 584) may be nothing more than a widely spread fable. Kolodziejczyk, “Slave Hunting and Slave Redemption,” 155, analysing the same sources, states: “While in the 16th century most of the slave dealers had been Jews, in the fol­lowing period this profitable profession was apparently dominated by Muslims.” Compare Toledano, The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression, 59.

44 Quoted in Ahatanhel Krymsky, Istoriia Turechchyny, in his Tvory vpiaty tomakh, vol. IV (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1974), 419.

45 In M.A. Berezhkov, “Russkie plenniki i nevolniki v Krymu,” Trudy VI arkheo- logicheskogo s”ezda v Odesse, 4 vols. (Odessa, 1885-90), II, 342-72, especially 345. In 1568, the papal nuncio Ruggieri wrote of Poles and Ukrainians that “there are more slaves in Constantinople of this people [sic] than of any other”; Dziubinski, “Handel niewolnikami polskimi i ruskimi,” 45. The Englishman Joseph Pitts, who was captured by Muslim pirates and in the 1680s taken as a slave throughout much of the Middle East, testifies to the same effect about the slave market in Cai­ro. See Joseph Pitts, William Daniel, and Charles Jacques Poncet, The Red Sea and Adjacent Countries at the Close of the Seventeenth Century, ed. W. Foster (London: Hakluyt Society, 1949), 15-16.

46 Brunschvig, “Abd,” 32; Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East.

47 Dziubinski, “Handel niewolnikami polskimi i ruskimi,” 42-3, gives the prices at Akkerman; Inalcik, “Servile Labor in the Ottoman Empire,” 44, note 3, gives pric­es at Edirne from 1500 to the 1630s.

48 Demetrius Cantemir, The History of the Growth and Decay of the Othman Empire, trans. N. Tindal (London, 1734), reprinted and quoted here from the Romanian abridgement: Dimitrie Cantemir, Extractsfrom “The History of the Ottoman Em­pire”, trans. N. Tindal, ed. W.A. Dufu and P. Cernovodeanu (Bucharest: Associa­tion internationale des etudes du sud-est europeen, 1973), 52-3.

49 Murray Gordon, a specialist on the modern period, generalizes about females in his Slavery in the Arab World, 82: “As long as Circassian, Slavic, Greek, and other white women were available at affordable prices, Arabs preferred them to blacks. Thcir scarcity value tended to drive up their market value so that by the middle of the sixteenth century white slave women became a luxury that only the ruling sultans, Mamlukes, beys, and the very affluent could afford. From the end of the seventeenth to the middle of the nineteenth century, the average price of a white female slave was four to six times greater than that of a comparable black woman slave. In Egypt, according to [Edward] Lane, a white slave girl was worth any­where from three to ten times the price of an Abyssinian.”

50 Pitts et al., The Red Sea, 15; Berezhkov, “Russkie plenniki i nevolniki v Krymu,” 345 (on Krizanic) and 356-7 (on Ibrahim). On the constant shortage of slaves for the Ottoman navy, see Inalcik, “Servile Labor in the Ottoman Empire,” 50-1, n 45, which remarks that galley slaves also supplied labour for monumental building projects such as the great Suleimaniye Mosque (1550-57) in Istanbul.

51 M. Fontenay, ¹Thhiourmes turques au XVII^e siecle,” in Rosalba Ragosta, ed., Le genti del Mare Mediterraneo, 2 vols. (Naples: L. Pironti, 1981), II, 877-904; see es­pecially Table 1. The Knights of St John clearly distinguished between Ukrainians (Fr: Russiotes), Russians (Fr: Moscovites), and Poles (Fr: Polonais), probably be­cause the order supplied the freed captives with appropriate funds and a diplo­matic letter requesting safe passage so that they could travel without restriction across Christendom to their original homeland.

52 Krymsky, Istoriia Turechchyny, 421; and Terence Wade, Russian Etymological Dictionary (London: Bristol Classical Press, 1996), 85, which notes that the word comes from the Greek kata (down below) and ergon (work); it had been loaned into Russian, in particular, in the fourteenth century, when the Ottomans were expanding rapidly in the Balkans, but before their push into the Ukrainian and Russian steppes.

53 For the Ukrainian text of “Vtecha Samiila Kishky iz turetskoi nevoli,” with a collection of materials evaluating the legend, see Valerii Shevchuk, ed., Samiilo Kishka: Istorychni rozvidky, dumy opovidannia (Kyiv: Veselka, 1993). I follow the theory of Iurii Mytsyk, Serhiy Plokhii, and Ivan Storozhenko, Iak Kozaky voiuvaly (Dnipropetrovsk: Promin, 1990), 112-15. For an English translation of the duma, see Ukrainian Dumy, trans. George Tarnowsky and Patricia Kilina (Toronto and Cambridge, Mass.: cιus, 1979), 46-63. There is an account of Jakimowski's ad­ventures in English in Jerzy Pertek, Poles on the High Seas, trans. A.T. Jordan (Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1978), 103-6. Compare Taki, Tsar and Sultan, 60-2, which describes in similar terms the adventures of a Muscovite subject, Ivan Semeno­vich Moshkin, which occurred at about the same time.

54 “Si non castrantur, auribus tamen et naribus mutilantur, genis et frontibus caute- riantur.” Michael the Lithuanian, De moribus Tartarorum, Latin text, 11; Russian trans., 72.

55 The testimony of Michael the Lithuanian (in ibid.) seems to imply that castration was usually performed in the Crimea itself or in the neighbouring countries. Ac­cording to C. Orhonlu, “Khasi, Part III. In Turkey,” Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed. (Leiden and London: Brill, i960), vol. IV, part 2, 1092-3, that procedure in particular was strictly forbidden by Islamic law, and within the Ottoman Empire a private person had no legal right to castrate his slave. Orhonlu gives an example of a person who was prosecuted for trying to. Thus it was at the periphery of the empire, or even outside of it, that the operation usually seems to have been per­formed. However, some authorities seem to imply that it was also performed close to the sultan's palace itself in Istanbul or at least by people interviewed in Istanbul. For example, see the first systematic treatise (1608) devoted solely to Topkapi, by Ottaviano Bon, The Sultan’s Seraglio: An Intimate Portrait of Life at the Ottoman Court, trans. John Withers (London: Saqi Books, 1992), 84. On the palace more generally, see Gulru Necipoglu, Architecture, Ceremonial and Power: The Topkapi Palace in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (New York: Architectural History Foundation and MIT, 1991).

56 Michael the Lithuanian, De moribus Tartarorum, Latin text, 12; Russian trans., 72-3.

57 Antonovych and Drahomanov, Istoricheskiepesni malorusskogo naroda, I, 208-30 (and reprinted in Samiilo Kishka, 90-5, especially 92), mentions Hasan Pasha. On the others, see A. Dziubinski, “Poturczency Polscy, Przyczynek do historii naw- rocen na Islam v XVI-XVIII w.,” Kwartalnik Historyczny 102, no. 1 (1995), 19-37, and Baranowski, Chtop polski w walce z Tatarami, 55-7. From the above sources, it is evident that there is a real difficulty in distinguishing Ukrainian from Pole in the Ottoman Empire of that time. The principal distinguishing feature in Europe - religion, that is, Orthodox Ukrainian or Catholic Pole - was simply lost among such converts to Islam.

58 Baranowski, Chtop polski w walce z Tatarami, 55.

59 Fisher, “Ottoman Empire,” 662; “Coran et Charia,” 164-6. The Koran itself (sura 90, Balad, The City, 12-16) clearly recommends the liberation of slaves, and equates it to the giving of food to the hungry, to the orphan and to the indigent, though that liberation comes first on its list. The text then concludes: “Then will he be of those who believe” (line 17), meaning, of course, the former master. Also see Jonathan A. C. Brown, Slavery and Islam (London: One World, 2019), 70-100. The Bible too contains admonitions to gentle treatment of slaves, and St Paul (Ga­latians 2:28), stated: “There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor fe­male, for you are all one in Christ Jesus.” So, taking into account Deuteronomy, the Koran, and Paul, we may conclude that while all three religions accepted the fact of slavery, all three were in some respects inclined towards its amelioration.

60 Ukrainian text and English translation in Ukrainian Dumy, trans. George Tar­nowsky and Patricia Kilina (Toronto and Cambridge, Mass.: cιus, 1979), 50-1.

61 Suraiya Faroqhi, “Crisis and Change, 1590-1699,” in Halil Inalcik, with Donald Quataert, ed., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 411-636.

62 Herberstein, Notes upon Russia, II, 65-6.

63 Samiilo Velychko, Litopys, 2 vols., ed. and trans. into modern Ukrainian by Valerii Shevchuk (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1991), II, 191; Dmytro Yavornytsky, Ivan Dmytro- vych Sirko: Slavnyi Koshovyi Otaman Viiska Zaporozkykh Nyzovykh Kozakiv, in Ivan Sirko: Zbirnyk (Kyiv: Veselka, 1992), 9-103, especially 73. Sirko's controversial career as a Cossack leader gave rise to several dumas and historical songs, some printed in this collection. On the condition of slaves in the Crimea more general­ly, see Podhorodecki, Chanat krymski, 62-4, and (more briefly) Magocsi, History of Ukraine, 186-7.

64 Dmytro Yavornytsky, Istoriia Zaporizkykh Kozakiv, 3 vols. (Lviv: Svit, 1990-92),

I, 247; Wladyslaw Serczyk, Na dalekiej Ukrainie: Dzieje Kozaczyzny do 1648 roku (Cracow: Wydawnictwo literackie, 1984), 72. In Turkey, it was the custom for young unmarried women to wear white head scarves and married women to wear black ones. See Klara Hegyi and Vera Zimanyi, Muslime und Christen: Das Osma- nische Reich in Europa (Budapest: Corvina, 1988), 148.

65 “Nam interdum ibipensitantur auro etponderibus suis, emuntur formosiores, et il- libatae sanguinis nostripuellae” Michael the Lithuanian, De moribus Tatarorum, Latin text, 12; Russian trans., 73.

66 Brunschvig, “Abd,” especially 27; Gordon, Slavery in the Arab World, 43, 79-104.

67 On Roxelana, see J.W. Zinkeisen, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa, 8 vols. (Gotha: F. Perthes, 1840-63), III, 24-43; Krymsky, Istoriia Turechchyny, 425-40; S.A. Skilliter, “Khurrem,” in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed. (Leiden and London: Brill, 1960), vol. V, part 1, 66-7; Ievhen Kramar, “Slavitna Ukrainka v sul- tanskomu dvori,” in his Doslidzhennia z istorii Ukrainy (Toronto and Baltimore: Smoloskyp, 1984), 137-64; Galina Yermolenko, “Roxolana: ‘The Greatest Empress of the East',” Muslim World 90, no. 2 (2005), 231-48, and, most especially, Leslie Peirce, Empress of the East: How a European Slave Girl Became Queen of the Otto­man Empire (New York: Basic Books, 2017), which, however, is quite speculative on many topics and mangles nationalities in eastern Europe. For a populariza­tion by a non-historian, but with a good bibliography, see Andrew Gregorovich, Roxelana: Ukrainian Consort of Emperor Suleyman the Magnificent (Toronto: Fo­rum Gregorado, 2014). For Turkish-language literature on Roxelana, see Stanford

J. Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 313.

68 Yavornytsky, Istoriia Zaporizkykh Kozakiv, I, 248; also see Iu. Mytsyk, S.M. Plokh- ii, and I.S. Storozhenko, Iak Kozaky voiuvaly, 153, a careful popularization, which devotes an entire chapter to “Cossack women.”

69 Ukrainian text and English translation in Ukrainian Dumy, trans. Tarnowsky and Kilina, 37-41. (The translation quoted here, however, is my own.) Slave girls from Ukraine or Rus' (transformed into “Russia” in Latin and English-language sources) were found as far away as the court of the Mughal Emperor Akbar the Great (reigned 1556-1605) in India. See Bamber Gascoigne, The Great Moghuls (London: Jonathan Cape, 1971), 85, citing Abu Fasl, Ain-i-Akbari, trans. H. Bloch- mann and H.S. Jarett, 3 vols. (Calcutta, 1873-94), I, 44-5.

70 Despite its legendary place in Ukrainian Cossack history - it was commemorated in verse and in a famous 1662 engraving in Kyiv - very little is known of Sahai- dachny's attack on Kaffa; even the alleged date - 1616 - is uncertain. For a crit­ical analysis of the problem see Hrushevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, VII, 354-5. The engraving is reproduced in the same author's Iliustrovana istoriia Ukrainy (Winnipeg, n.d.), 257. For an outline of events in English see Dmytro Doroshenko, History of the Ukraine, trans. H. Chikalenko-Keller (Edmonton: Institute Press, 1939), 188-90. More generally, see the detailed study of Victor Ostapchuk, “The Human Landscape of the Ottoman Black Sea in the Face of the Cossack Naval Raids,” Oriente moderno, N.S. 20, no. 1 (2001), 23-95, and the specialized study of Viktor Brekhunenko, “Pokhid Ukrainskykh Kozakiv pid Kafu u 1616 r.,” in Osiahnennia istorii: Zbirnyk naukovykh prats na poshanu prof. Mykoly Pavlovy- cha Kovalevskoho (Ostroh and New York: Ostroh Academy and the Ukrainian Historical Association, 1999), 166-70.

CHAPTER FOUR

1 M. Dragomanov [Mykhailo Drahomanov], “M.A. Maksimovich: Ego literaturnoe i obshchestvennoe znachenie,” Vestnik Evropy, vol. II, kn. 3 (1874), 442-53, espe­cially 453.

2 Volodymyr Zamlynsky, “Patriarkh ukrainskoi nauky,” in M.O. Maksymovych, Kiev iavilsia gradom velikim: Vybrani ukrainoznavchi tvory (Kyiv: Lybid, 1994), 10-22.

3 Maksymovych's collected works appeared shortly after his death. See in particular M.A. Maksimovich [Mykhailo Maksymovych], Sobranie sochinenii, 3 vols. (Kyiv: Tip. M.P. Fritsa, 1876-80). Volume I, edited by Volodymyr Antonovych, contains his historical writings; volume II, by the same editor, his historico-topographical, archaeological, and ethnographical studies; and volume III, edited by Oleksander Kotliarevsky, his works on linguistics and the history of literature. His studies in the natural sciences and his popularizations of scientific thought have never been collected and published in the same way.

During the Soviet period, only his rather innocuous writings on Ukrainian folklore were published, which did not threaten Soviet stereotypes about Ukrainian and Russian national identities, especially of Russians as the “elder brothers” of the “younger” Ukrainians. However, a few secondary works by Soviet Ukrainian authors did appear, mostly during the Khrushchev thaw. These tended to portray Maksymovych as a “progressive,” a forerunner of Darwin in biology, and a “fighter for the friendship of the Ukrainian and Russian peoples.” See espe­cially D.F. Ostrianyn, Svitohliad M.O. Maksymovycha (Kyiv: Derzhpolitdav usrs, 1960). Moreover, throughout the Cold War, none of the handful of Ukrainian emigre scholars published a monograph or even an article on our protagonist, perhaps partly because he did not fit well into “nationalist” stereotypes about Ukrainian national identity.

However, the events of 1991 changed things. In 1994 a first collection of Maksymovych's selected works appeared (see note 2 above), and in 2004, on the bicentennial of his birth, beautifully illustrated collections of his works. See, in particular, Mykhailo Maksymovych, Vybrani Tvory, ed. and intro. by Viktor Korotky (Kyiv: Lybid, 2004), and Vybrani tvory z istorii Kyivskoi Rusi Kyieva i Ukrainy, ed. and intro. by P.H. Markov (Kyiv: Lybid, 2004); and his surviving let­ters: Lysty, ed. Viktor Korotky (Kyiv: Lybid, 2004). For some general studies in English that mention him, see David Saunders, The Ukrainian Impact on Russian Culture 1750-1850 (Edmonton: cius, 1985), which discusses his place in Ukrainian and Russian history, and Zenon E. Kohut, Russian Centralism and Ukrainian Au­tonomy: Imperial Absorption of the Hetmanate 1760s-1830s (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, 1988), and Serhii Plokhy, Ukraine and Rus­sia: Representations of the Past (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008), where chapters provide background information. For some conceptual issues, see Mark von Hagen, “Does Ukraine Have a History?” Slavic Review 54, no. 3 (1995), 558-73.

4 Biographical studies of Maksymovych began during his lifetime. See S.I. Ponomarev, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Maksimovich: Biograficheskii i istoriko-lit- eraturnyi ocherk (St Petersburg: V.I. Golovnin, 1872). They continued during the pre-Revolution period. See in particular I. Steshenko, Mikh. Aleks. Maksimov­ich: K stoletiiu godovshchiny ego rozhdeniia (Kyiv: N.T. Korchak-Novytsky, 1904). And 1927 marked the centennial of his first and most influential work on folk­lore; see especially Mykhailo Hrushevsky, “‘Malorossiiskie pesni' Maksymovy- cha i stolittia ukrainskoi naukovoi pratsi,” Ukraina, no. 6 (1927), 1-13, reprinted in Ukrainskyi istoryk 21, nos. 1-4 (1984), 132-47; and Ihnat Zhytetsky, “Zhyttia M.O. Maksymovycha,” Ukraina, no. 6 (1927), 14-24. The Khrushchev thaw of the 1950s brought studies like that of Ostrianyn (note 3 above). The Gorbachev reforms of the late 1980s allowed P.G. Markov, Obshchestvenno-politicheskie i istoricheskie vzgliady M.A. Maksimovicha (Kyiv: N.p., 1986), which is still a very “Soviet” work.

However, independence for Ukraine in 1991 initiated a Maksymovych renais­sance. An early highlight was M.V. Tomenko, “‘Shchyryi Malorossianyn': Vydat- nyi vchenyi, Mykhailo Maksymovych,” in I.F. Kuras et al., eds., Ukrainska ideia: Pershi rechnyky (Kyiv: Tovarytstvo ‘Znannia' Ukrainy, 1994), 80-97. Thereafter the floodgates opened; for a survey, together with an analysis of previous work, see Nadiia Boiko, M. Maksymovych ‘Nepokynu z hynu moiu Ukrainu^,: Istoriohra- fichnyi narys zhyttia i tvorchosti M.O.Maksymovycha (Smila: Tiasmyn, 2001).

5 Mykhailo Maksymovych, “Avtobiografiia,” in his Kiev iavilsia, 392.

6 Ponomarev, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Maksimovich, 5-6. Also see Volodymyr Panchenko, “Test na patriotism: Mykhailo Maksymovych, zabutyi arystokrat dukhu,” in Larysa Ivshynam, ed., Ukraina incognita(Kyiv: Fakt, 2003), 159-69, and V. Feyerherd, “Der Bildungsweg M.A. Maksimovic (1804-1873), des ersten Rektors der Kiever Universitat," Zeischrift fur Slawistik 27, no. 5 (1982), 684-99, which is particularly good on Maksymovych as a naturalist.

7 Ponomarev, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Maksimovich, 6ff. Also see A.N. Pypin, Istoriia russkoi etnografii, 4 vols (St Petersburg: M.M. Stasiulevich, 1891; reprint Kubon u. Sagner: Leipzig, 1971), III, 18-19, which is rather good on Maksymovych's intellectual formation.

8 See Pypin, Istoriia russkoi etnografii, III, 19, 35, which summarizes Maksymovych's address on Russian education: “O russkom prosveshchenii.” Maksymovych's “Pismo o filosofii” - Teleskop, no. 12 (1833) - has been reprinted in Ukrainian translation as “Lyst pro filosofiiu,” in Khronika 2000 9, nos. 37-8 (Kyiv, 2000), 397-401, and is summarized by Dmytro Chyzhevsky, Narysy z istorii filosofii na Ukraini, 2nd ed. (Munich: Ukrainskyi vilnyi universytet, 1983), 76-7.

The Book of Naum was unavailable to me, but the beautiful title page, showing a farmer ploughing his field with a palm tree and beehive in the background, is nicely reproduced in Maksymovych, Lysty, 22, and discussed in Feyerherd, “Der Bildungsweg M.A. Maksimovic,” passim. Naum, of course, is the Slavonic form of the Hebrew “Noam,” meaning “pleasant.” Noam was one the twelve minor prophets of the Old Testament. His feast day is 1 December on the eastern (Julian) calendar, and in many parts of Ukraine it was a holiday. Children born on that day were thought to turn out unusually intelligent: “Nauma, toi vse zhyttia bude umnyi, sebto rozumnyi” See Yevhen Ontatsky, Ukrainska mala entsyklopediia, part V (Buenos Aires: uapts, 1959), 1097-8.

9 See his own Introduction, “O Malorossiiskikh narodnykh pesniakh,” to M. Maksimovich, Malorossiiskie pesni (Moscow, 1827; photo-reprint Kyiv, 1962). This Introduction is reprinted in modern type and orthography in Maksymovych, Vybrani tvory, ed. Korotky, 346-56. More generally, V.F. Horlenko, “M.O. Maksymovych iak etnohraf: Do 180 richchia z dnia narodzhennia,” Narodna tvorchist ta etnohrafiia, no. 6 (1984), 31-6, is a fairly good pre-Glasnost overview of our scholar's views on ethnography. Also see the discussions in George S.N. Luckyj, Between Gogol and Sevcenko: Polarity in the Literary Ukraine 1798-1847 (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1971), 31-3, and in L.G. Frizman and S.N. Lakhno, M.A. Maksimovvch: literator (Kharkiv: KhNADU, 2003), 73-105. Many of the songs collected by Maksymovych are still sung in central Ukraine. See Svitlana Kytova, Rodovid pisni: Malorossiiskie pesni’ Mykhaila Maksymovycha (1827r.) ta ikhni suchasni zapysy (Cherkasy, 2004).

10 This last point is especially stressed in Hrushevsky, “‘Malorossiiskie pesni' Maksymovycha,” passim. Later Ukrainian scholars would call Maksymovych's orthography maksymovychivka.

11 See the discussion in P.M. Popov, “Pershyi zbirnyk ukrainskykh narodnykh pisen,'” which is an Afterword to the facsimile edition of Maksimovich, Maloros­siiskie pesni (photo-reprint Kyiv, 1962), 285-338, especially 322-3.

12 Maksymovych, “Avtobiografiia,” 398. Also see Frizman and Lakhno, M.A. Maksi- movvch: Iiterator, 16.

13 At least this was the opinion of Drahomanov, “M.A. Maksimovich,” 447, N.I. Petrov, Ocherki istorii ukrainskoi Iiteratury XIX stoletiia (Kyiv: I. and A. Dav­idenko, 1884), 182, and many others who followed. Influenced, it seems, by his Muscovite environment, the young Maksymovych reacted positively to Pushkin's 1828-29 poem Poltava, about Mazepa, and defended its negative portrait from critics who thought it unhistorical. Later in life, Maksymovych's attitude seems to have eased, and he even suggested in a letter of 10 July 1865 to the Kyivan priest P.H. Lebedintsev that the Russian Orthodox curse on Mazepa should be lifted. For the text of this letter, see Maksymovych, Lysty, ed. Korotky, 154-5. More gen­erally, see Tomenko, “‘Shchyryi Malorossianyn'," 83-4, 94-5, which notes that even in the relatively liberal 1860s this was an unthinkable proposal for most Russian subjects. On Pushkin and Maksymovych more generally, see Mykhai- lo Popov, “Oleksandr Pushkin ta Mykhailo Maksymovych," Kyiv, no. 12 (1984), 142-6, which notes that when Poltava appeared, Maksymovych gave Pushkin a copy of the anonymous Istoriia Rusov (History of the Ruthenians, 1827), which effused Ukrainian autonomism, and Pushkin, somewhat embarrassingly for later Russian nationalists, tried to publish it.

14 In Pypin, Istoriia russkoi etnografii, III, 28. Also see Tomenko, “‘Shchyryi Malo- rossianyn'," 83, and Mykola Zerov, Lektsii z istorii ukrainskoi Iiteratury (1798-1870) (Oakville, Ont.: cius and Mosaic Press, 1977), 75.

15 Popov, “Pershyi zbirnyk,” 325-6, citing N.P. Dashkevich, Otziv o sochenenii g. Petrova (St Petersburg: N.p., 1888), 92-3; Tomenko, “‘Shchyryi Malorossianyn'," 83.

16 N.I. Kostomarov, “Avtobiografiia,” in his Istoricheskie proizedeniia. Avtobi­ografiia, ed. V.A. Zamlinsky (Kyiv: Lybid, 1989), 448, and quoted in full in my Mykola Kostomarov, 8. The effect on the Ukrainian writer Panteleimon Kulish was similar. He writes: “Nikolai [Kostomarov], like all of us, students of the Russian schools, at first scorned everything Ukrainian and did his thinking in the language of Pushkin. Yet to both of us, in two different points in Lit­tle Russia, this unusual event happened. In Kharkiv, he came across the 1827 collection of Ukrainian songs [Malorossiiskie pesni] by Maksymovych[,] and I in Novhorod-Siversk, also by accident came into possession of the Ukrainian Dumas and songs of the same Maksymovych published in 1834 [as Ukrainskie narodnye pesni]. In one day both of us changed from Russian into Little Rus­sian populists”; in Luckyj, Between Gogol and Sevcenko, 32-3. Popov, “Pershyi zbirnyk,” 335-6, and Frizman and Lakhno, M.A. Maksimovvch: literator, 92-3, both claim that Maksymovych's collection of 1827 was known also to the prom­inent Polish poets Adam Mickiewicz, Juliusz Slowacki, and Jozef Bohdan Zales­ki (the last a member of the Ukrainian School of Polish Literature), as well as to numerous Polish folklorists.

17 On this see, in particular, Brian J. Boeck, “What's in a Name? Semantic Separa­tion and the Rise of the Ukrainian National Name,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 27, nos. 1-4 (2004-05), 33-65.

18 Maksymovych, “Avtobiografiia,” 399; Ponomarev, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Maksi­movich, 23.

19 See the text of the speech in Mykhailo Maksymovych, “Ob uchastii i znachenii Kieva v obshchei zhizni Rossii,” in Maksymovych, Vybrani tvory, ed. Korotky, 28-47. Also see the speaker's recollections about the audience's enthusiastic reception in his “Avtobiografiia,” 401-2, where he called it “my victory” (moe torzhestvo), and also see the discussion in Pypin, Istoriia russkoi etnografii, III, 20, which, written from a Russian viewpoint, said Maksymovych had fulfilled his official duty “magnificently” both “as a Russian man and as a Kyivan.” By contrast, Vitalii Shevchenko, “Mykhailo Maksymovych: Vydatnyi ukrainskyi uchenyi-entsyklopedyst, literaturnyi krytyk ta poet,” Vyzvolnyi shliakh 57, no.

10 (2004), 46, from a more recent Ukrainian viewpoint, opined that the speaker “understandably and in an exculpatorable way veiled some sharp historical and political problems with a certain amount of obsequiousness.”

20 Zamlynsky, “Patriarkh ukrainskoi nauky,” 17. Despite his role in the de- polonization of Kyiv and the formerly Polish-dominated Ukrainian territories, Maksymovych apparently earned the respect of Polish students and scholars at the university. Indeed, even the Polish populist historian and revolutionary of 1830, Joachim Lelewel, seems to have admired him and his work. This may simply have been because the Ukrainian Maksymovych, unlike most Russians, defended the unique nature (samobutnost) of the various Ukrainian lands. See B.S. Popkov, Polskii uchenyi revoliutsioner Ioakim Lelevel (Moscow: Nauka, 1974), 198.

21 Tomenko, “‘Shchyryi Malorossianyn'," 85; Zamlynsky, “Patriarkh ukrainskoi nauky,” 19.

22 See P.M. Fedchenko, Materiialy z istorii ukrainskoi zhurnalistyky, part 1 (Kyiv: Vyd. Kyivskoho derzhavnoho universytetu, 1959), 116, which quotes Borisov in Ukrainian translation: “It is not strange that the pitiful fate of the villagers in Little Russia arouses tears and bile in you. I very well know both the situation of the villagers whom the landlords take for granted and how difficult is their lot, and also the pas­sionate nature and sensitivity of your expansive and philanthropic character.”

23 For his early work, see M.A. Maksimovich / Mykhailo Maksymovych, “Pesn o polku Igoreve: Iz lektsii o russkoi slovestnosti chitannykh 1835 goda v Universitete Sv. Vladimira,” in M.A. Maksimovich [Mykhailo Maksymovych], Sobranie sochinenii, 3 vols. (Kyiv: Tip. M.P. Fritsa, 1876-80), III, 498-563. On his interpretation of Slovo opolku Igoreve (Lay of Igor's Campaign), see Stepan Kozak, “Mykhailo Maksymovych i formuvannia romantychnoi dumky v Ukraini,” Journal of Ukrainian Studies 9, no. 1 (Toronto, 1984), 3-32, and Frizman and Lakhno, M.A. Maksimovvch: literator, 134-65. Also see Mykola Korpaniuk, Slovo i dukh Ukrainy kniazhoi ta Ukrainy kozatskoi: Mykhailo Maksymovych - doslidnyk davnoukrainskoi Iiteratury (Cherkasy: Brama, 2004).

24 Reprinted in M.A. Maksimovich [Mykhailo Maksymovych], Sobranie sochinenii, 3 vols. (Kyiv: Tip. M.P. Fritsa, 1876-80), III, 345-471. Also see L. Gonczarow, “Mikhail Maksimovic et Fhistoire Iitteraire russe de son temps,” Etudes slaves et est europeennes / Slavic and East European Studies 20-21 (1975-76), 31-43, which stresses Maksymovychs break with classical models and proposes: “L’histoire est lepremier ouvrage original consacre a Eetude de la Utterature russe ancienne; cest aussi lepremier ouvrage sur l’histoire de la litterature russe” (41).

25 M.F. Vladimirsky-Budanov, quoted in Zamlynsky, “Patriarkh ukrainskoi nauky,” 21. Also see Ponomarev, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Maksimovich, 71-2.

26 On this period, see, in particular, the classic accounts of Luckyj, Between Gogol and Sevcenko, 162ff, and Zerov, Lektsii, 140ff. Also see Tomenko, “‘Shchyryi Mal- orossianyn,'” 86.

27 See the documentary collection Kyrylo-Mefodiivske tovarystvo, 3 vols. (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1990), III, 340, partly quoted in Tomenko, “‘Shchyryi Maloros- sianyn',” 86. On the Brotherhood more generally, see George S.N. Luckyj, Young Ukraine: The Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius in Kiev 1845-1847 (Otta­wa: University of Ottawa Press, 1991).

28 Zamlynsky, “Patriarkh ukrainskoi nauky,” 22-3. The Ocherk Kyiva is reprinted in Maksymovych, Vybrani tvory, ed. Korotky, 62-77. Nachatki russkoi folologii is in M.A. Maksimovich [Mykhailo Maksymovych], Sobranie sochinenii, 3 vols. (Kyiv: Tip. M.P. Fritsa, 1876-80), III, 25-155. Maksymovych's pioneering work in classifying the Slavonic languages was praised two generations later by the great Croatian Slavist Vatroslav Yagich [Jagic]; see his Istoriia slavianskoi filologii (St Petersburg: Imp. Akademiia nauk, 1910, reprint Leipzig: Zentral Antiquariat, 1967), 489-92. However, Jagic considered the classification “purely geographical” rather than linguistic. For a sympathetic treatment, which claims that Maksymovych pioneered the now-canonical three-fold division of the Slavonic languages - East, West, and South, see M.Zh., “Movoznavchi pohliady M.O. Maksymovycha,” Movoznavstvo, no. 5 (1979), 46-50.

29 Zamlynsky, “Patriarkh ukrainskoi nauky,” 23-4. Ponomarev, Mikhail Aleksan­drovich Maksimovich, 60, stresses the impact that Gogol's sudden and unexpected death had on Maksymovych.

30 The full work was published only in Soviet times (1947). A recent, fuller, Ukrainian-language edition has useful annotation. See Mykhailo Maksymovych, Dni ta mistiatsi ukrainskoho selianyna, ed. and trans. Viacheslav Hnatiuk (Kyiv: Vyd. Oberehy, 2002), 189 pp.

31 The title Ukrainets (The Ukrainian) is significant. The anonymous author of Isto- riia Rusov (History of the Ruthenians, 1827) rejected the term Ukraina (Ukraine) as a Polish innovation in favour of Malaia Rossiia (Little Russia). Maksymovych apparently still preferred “Little Russia” and “Little Russians” to any other terms, and in the 1850s, despite its use in the Russian translation of Beauplan, the term Ukrainets was making only halting progress. Kostomarov used it once in his se­cret “Books of the Genesis of the Ukrainian People” (1847), but nowhere else, and Shevchenko, although he rejected the term “Little Russia” and regularly extolled Ukraina, generally contrasted “Cossacks” to “Muscovites” and never actually used the term Ukrainets. Thus its use as the title of Maksymovych's almanac was a milestone.

32 See Maksymovych, Lysty, 27-78. For example, on 30 December 1846, Maksy- movych wrote to Bodiansky to praise the latter's efforts at publishing controver­sial Ukrainian materials: “Especially we Ukrainians [Ukraintsi] are thankful for the publication of Konysky['s Istoriia Rusov] and the Eyewitness Chronicle [on the times of Hetman Khmelnytsky]... Finally!” (32). A decade later he informed Bodiansky that “in Kyiv it [Istoriia Rusov] is selling for [the enormous sum of] ten and twelve silver rubles and across Little Russia there is a rumor that it is a forbidden book!... That is what I hear from people returning from the fair [in that city]” (45). On Bodiansky, Shevchenko, Maksymovych, Shchepkin, and Go­gol in Moscow, see Volodomyr Melnychenko, Ukrainska dusha Moskvy (Moscow: OLMA, 2010), 672 pp.

33 Taras Shevchenko, Tvory v trokh tomakh (Kyiv: Derzh. vyd. Khudozh. lit. URSR, 1961), III, 253, and quoted in part in Zamlynsky, “Patriarkh ukrainskoi nauky,” 25.

34 First printed in Osnova, no. 6 (1861), 9. If we can believe Istoriia ukrainskoi litera- turnoi krytyky: Dozhovtnevyiperiod, ed. P.M. Fedchenko (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1988), 62, this was a rebuke to Kulish, who claimed that Shevchenko had returned from exile a broken man.

35 Zamlynsky, “Patriarkh ukrainskoi nauky,” 25. On Shevchenko at Mykhailova Hora, see O.K. Doroshkevych, “Shevchenko v selianskykh perekazakh,” in Spo- dahy pro Tarasa Shevchenka, ed. I.O. Dzeverin (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1982), 398-401. His portrait of Maksymovych is reproduced in Maksymovych, Vybrani tvory, 8, and his portrait of Mariia Vasylivna in Maksymovych, Lysty, 306. Also see Frizman and Lakhno, M.A. Maksimovvch: literator, 234-48, and P.H. Markov, “U koli ve- lykykh: Pro druzhbu M. Maksymovycha z Pushkinym ta Shevchenkom," Vitchyz- na, no. 9 (1984), 181-6, both of which stress the accord between poet and scholar on political and social questions. But the “conservative” Maksymovych's relations with the fiery “revolutionary” Shevchenko, a topic muted in Soviet times, deserves further investigation.

36 Earlier editions of The Book of Naum about God’s Great World had appeared thus: Moscow. 1833 and 1834; Kyiv, 1845; St Petersburg, 1847, 1848, 1851, and 1853; Mos­cow, 1859; and Kyiv, 1865, 1867, 1868, and, finally, 1876. See Zamlynsky, “Patriarkh ukrainskoi nauky,” 406. There is a detailed analysis of Maksymovych and Kulish's disagreement about Gogol in Frizman and Lakhno, M.A. Maksimovvch: literator, 218-34.

37 On Maksymovych as a historian, see Ivan Krypiakevych, “Mykhailo Maksy- movych: Istoryk,” Zapysky naukovoho tovarystva im. Shevchenka 142 (1927), 165­72; and Pavlo Klepatsky, “M.O. Maksymovych iak istoryk,” Ukraina, no. 6 (1927), 80-4. 'The most detailed Soviet-era treatment is P.H. Markov, M.O. Maksymovych: Vydatnyi istoryk XIX st. (Kyiv: Vyd. Kyivskoho universytetu, 1973). For a later ex­ploration, see Viktor Kotsur and Anatolii Kotsur, Vidomyi istoryk Ukrainy: M.O. Maksymovych (Pereiaslav, Khmelnytsky, and Chernivtsi: Zoloti litavry, 2000).

38 Maksymovych's writings on the origins of Rus' are collected in Maksimovich [Maksymovych], Sobranie sochinenii, vol. I. See especially “Otkuda idet Russkaia zemlia po skazaniu Nestorovoi povesti i po drugim starinym pisaniiam russkim,” 5-92. Unfortunately this piece has not been reprinted in any of the more recent collections of his works.

39 See especially Mykhailo Maksymovych, “O mnimom Zapustenii Ukrainy v nashestvie Batyyevo i naselenii ee novoprishlym narodom: Pismo M.P. Pogodi- nu,” in Maksymovych, Vybrani tvory, ed. Korotky, 48-61. For more on this “dis­pute between the Southerners and the Northerners,” see the classic account of Pypin, Istoriia russkoi etnografii, III, 313-24, and more recently, Ivan Ohienko [Metropolitan Ilarion], Ukrainska kultura: Korotka istoriia kulturnoi zhyttia ukrainskoho narodu, 3rd ed. (Winnipeg, 1970), 256-61, and Petro Holubenko, Ukraina i Rosiia u svitli kulturnykh vzaiemyn (New York, Toronto, and Paris, 1987), 93-101.

40 Mykhailo Maksymovych, “O prichinakh vzaimnogo ozhestocheniia poliakov i malorossiian byvshego v XVII veke: Pismo k M.A. Grabovskomu,” in Maksy- movych, Vybrani tvory, ed. Korotky, 166-87.

41 Mykhailo Maksymovych, “Skazanie o hetmane Petre Sagaidachnom,” in Maksy- movych, Vybrani tvory, ed. Korotky, 166-87, 150-64, and “Pisma o Bogdane Khmelnitskom,” in ibid., 190-257. On Kostomarov more generally, see my Mykola Kostomarov, 53-5 etpassim.

42 Mykhailo Maksymovych, “Skazanie o Koliivshchine,” Russkii arkhiv 2, no. 5 (1875), 5-27, and reprinted in Maksymovych, Vybrani tvory, ed. Korotky, 150-65. I have used only the reprint.

43 See, in particular, V.U. Pavelko, “M.O. Maksymovych: Arkheohraf,” Ukrainskyi istorychnyi zhurnal, no. 1 (1962), 97-102. Also see the brief characterizations of Maksymovych's work in Ivan Krypiakevych, “Mykhailo Maksymovych: Istoryk,” 165-72, and Klepatsky, “M.O. Maksymovych iak istoryk,” 80-4.

44 See Mykhailo Maksymovych, “O pravopysanii malorossiiskogo iazyka: Pis- mo k Osnovianenku,” first published in Kyivlianin (1841) and reprinted in P.M. Fedchenko et al., Istoriia ukrainskoi literaturnoi krytyky ta literaturnoznavstva: Khrestomatiia, vol. I (Kyiv: Lybid, 1996), 120-1.

45 In Vasyl Chaplenko, Istoriia novoi ukrainskoi literaturnoi movy XVIIst.-1933r. (New York: The author, 1970), 82.

46 Maksymovych's orthography enjoyed more success in Galicia, where it was used with some modifications until 1895, and in Transcarpathia, where it continued in use right up to 1939. By then it had been abandoned everywhere. See O. Horbach, “Maksymovychivka,” in Volodymyr Kubijovyc and Danylo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. III (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), 285-6.

47 For Maksymovych's advice to the Galicians, see his letter of 22 April 1840 to Denys Zubrytsky, in Maksymovych, Lysty, 119-21. If we can believe Ponomarev, Mikhail Aleksandrovich Maksimovich, 67, Maksymovych to the very end of his life retained his doubts about the full development of Ukrainian literature. The classic interpretation of his hesitant views is by Serhii Yefremov, Istoriia ukrainskoho pysmenstva, 2 vols. (Kyiv and Leipzig: Ukrainska nakladnia, 1924), I, 286-8. By contrast, P.M. Fedchenko, writing in the Ukrainska literaturna entsyklopediia, vol. III (Kyiv: Ukrainska radianska entsyklopediia, 1995), 269-70, declares that Maksymovych “in all ways laid the foundation for the independence (samostiinist) and originality (samobutnist) of the Ukrainian language and defended its natural literary rights and future as a powerful tool for the creation of a single culture for the Ukrainian people divided by the political borders of that time.” Strangely, Frizman and Lakhno, M.A. Maksimovich: Literator, says nothing about its subject's views on the future of Ukrainian literature. We may conclude that the entire question deserves further research.

48 So Zhytetsky, “Zhyttia M.O. Maksymovycha,” 23-4.

49 Quoted in full, of course, by the Russian scholar Pypin, Istoriia russkoi etnografii, III, 35. Alluding to the nineteenth-century evolution of Ukrainian identity as seen by the intelligentsia - first Little Russian, then Ukrainophile, and finally Ukrainian - Pypin considered that Maksymovych “was not a Thkrainophile' in the fuller and later sense of the word.” In 1904, the Ukrainian Steshenko's Mikh. Aleks. Maksimovich, 30, pointed out that our scholar eventually broke with the Russian slavophiles, who, with the passage of time, turned more nationalistic and intolerant of Ukrainian separateness.

50 On simultaneous identities more generally, see Paul R. Magocsi, “The Ukrainian National Revival: A New Analytical Framework,” Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism 16, nos. 1-2 (1989), 45-62, and also George Luckyj, The Anguish of Mykola Hohol a.k.a. Nikolai Gogol (Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1998).

51 Serhii Yefremov, “Maksymovych v istorii ukrainskoi samosvidomosty,” Zapysky istorychno-filolohychnoho viddilu vuan 16 (1928), 1-5. This article, long suppressed by the Soviets from the 1930s on, is reprinted in S.O. Yefremov, Literaturno- krytychni statti, ed. E.S. Solovei (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1993), 318-21.

52 Hrushevsky, “‘Malorossiiskie pesni' Maksymovycha."

CHAPTER FIVE

1 Ivan Franko, “Temne tsarstvo,” in his Zibrannia tvoriv u p’iatdesiaty tomakh, vol. XXVI (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1980), 131-52; and reprinted without censors' dele­tions in Ivan Franko, Shevchenkoznavchi studii, ed. Mykhailo Hnatiuk (Lviv: Svit, 2005), 56-76; Taras Shevchenko, Kobzar, ed. Leonid Biletsky, 4 vols. (Winnipeg: Tryzub, 1952), II, 232.

2 Bohdan Lepky, Zhyttiepys Tarasa Shevchenka (Ivanofrankivsk: Nova zoria, 2004), 82-3. This volume was published as early as 1919.

3 George Grabowicz, The Poet as Mythmaker: A Study of Symbolic Meaning in Taras

Shevchenko (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Ukrainan Research Institute, 1982), 86-7, 121, 143, 151, 157. Also see Grabowicz, “A Consideration of Deep Structures in Shevchenko's Works,” in George Luckyj, ed., Shevchenko and the Critics (To­ronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 481-96, one of the more translucent es­says of this difficult author. Rory Finnin, “Mountains, Masks, Metre, Meaning: Taras Shevchenko's Kavkaz,” Slavonic and East European Review 83, no. 3 (2005), 396-439, echoes, but also qualifies Grabowicz's theory, in a “post-colonial” in­terpretation of the poem. For two older treatments of Shevchenko's “Kavkaz” (The Caucasus) in English, see Vera Rich, “The Caucasus of Taras Shevchenko,” Ukrainian Review 6, no. 1 (London, 1959), 45-53, which contains a good transla­tion of the poem, and Clarence Manning, “The Caucasus of Taras Shevchenko,” Ukrainian Quarterly 16, no. 4 (1960), 321-9, which is rich in Cold War polemics.

4 Hlafira Palamarchuk, “Balmen, Yakiv Petrovych de,” in Shevchenkivska entsyklo- pediia, vol. I (Kyiv: nanu, Instytut Literatury, 2012), 321-2.

5 Ibid. Finnin, “Mountains, Masks, Metre Meaning,” 433-5, adds that one of de Balmen's forefathers had participated in an earlier expedition against the moun­taineers and may also have helped destroy the old Ukrainian Cossack Sich, or headquarters, on the Dnieper River in 1775. Shevchenko may have been partly aware of this family tradition.

6Shevchenko, Kobzar, ed. Biletsky, II, 141 (my translation).

7 Palamarchuk, “Balmen,” I, 321; photo-reprinted as Wirszy T. Szewczenka (Dniproderzhynsk: Andrii, 2008), though rare and unavailable to me to study. Also see M.I. Matsapura, Doslidnyk na nyvi Shevchenkoznavstva (Kyiv: Pul- sara, 2011), 116-23, which prints several more of de Balmen's drawings and adds biographical details.

8 See the classic work of John F. Baddeley, The Russian Conquest of the Caucasus (London and New York: Longmans, 1908), and Moshe Gammer, Muslim Resis­tance to the Tsar: Shamil and the Conquest of Chechnia and Dagestan (London: Frank Cass, 1994). More generally, see T. Halasi-Kun, “The Caucasus: An Eth- no-Historical Survey,” Studia Caucasica, vol. I (1963), 1-47, which contains several explanatory maps.

9In Baddeley, Russian Conquest, 114-15.

10 Yury Kochubei, “Zv'iazky ukrainskoi Iiteratury z Iiteraturamy Blyzkoho i Serednoho Skhodu,” in T.N. Denysova et al., eds., Ukrainska Iiteratura v zahal- no-slov’ianskomy i svitovomu konteksti, vol. III (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1988), 404-54, especially 413. The expedition is described by Yakiv Markovych (1696­1770), a well-educated Ukrainian Cossack officer, in his extensive diary (1717-67), parts of which have been published, and later in the influential, anonymous, fan­ciful Istoriia Rusov (History of the Ruthenians, 1827), which was popular reading, in manuscript form, among the gentry of left-bank Ukraine about the time that Shevchenko first visited the area. Reading the latter deeply affected the poet, and it informed his depictions of old Ukraine.

11 Gammer, Muslim Resistance, 9-26.

12 Baddeley, Russian Conquest, 102ff., summarizes the testimony of the writer Leo Tolstoy, who in his tale The Cossacks (1863) stressed Yermolov's importance. Bad- deley's invaluable history was published in 1908, two years before Tolstoy's death and before the publication of his last, short novel, Hadji Murat (1912), which dealt directly with the Caucasian War, in which Tolstoy served in 1851 (and also in the Crimean War). Sixty years later, Hadji Murat treated the resistance leaders Imam Shamil and Hadji Murat, both of whom played complex, and ultimately equivo­cating, parts in it, which Tolstoy clearly recognized. Harold Bloom in his Western Canon (New York: Harcourt Brace and Co., 1994), 332-49, chose Tolstoy as one of the twenty-six authors to make up “the Western Canon,” and the novella Hadji Murat as representing Tolstoy's finest contribution to the “canon”: “heroism,” un­diluted by the author's ethical objections to war. For a new, annotated translation of Hadji Murat, with independent material on Shamil, see Thomas Sanders et al., eds., Russian-Muslim Confrontation in the Causasus (London: Routledge, 2010).

13 Baddeley, Russian Conquest, 97-102.

14 Ibid. Also see Michael Whittock, “Ermolov: Proconsul of the Caucasus,” Rus­sian Review 18 (1959), 53-60, which discusses Yermolov's ostensible liberalism, and James Forsyth, The Caucasus: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 279, n 31, which remarks that Yermolov was actually of Tatar Muslim ancestry. His forefather Arslan Murza Yermol had defected to the Russians and converted to Orthodox Christianity in 1506. Forsyth adds that it was “typical” of officers of such descent to be particularly harsh towards the non-Christian native peoples of Russia's colonies.

15 Aleksii Veselovsky, “Griboedov, Aleksandr Sergeevich,” in Entsiklopedicheskii slo- var, vol. XVIII (St Petersburg, 1893; reprint 1990), 689-96.

16 Alexander Knysh, “Shamil,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. IX (Leiden and London: Brill, 1996), 283-8, calls these murids, of whom there were about four to five hundred, “the core of his army,” “career fighters,” and “warrior monks,” who were “always ready for maryrdom ‘in the path of God.'” Of course, his army expanded to several thousands if one adds part-time conscripts. Also see Forsyth, The Caucasus, 246ff.; Gammer, Muslim Resistance, 47-110.

17 Finnin, “Mountains, Masks, Metre, Meaning,” 400-1. For the military context, see Baddeley, Russian Conquest, 67-110, which mentions neither Shevchenko nor de Balmen. Nor does Forsyth, The Caucasus, 280-1, in its very brief account of Shamil's war against the Russians - but it notes the genesis of “Shamil.” Knysh, “Shamil,” explains that Shamil was actually named “Ali” at birth, but being sickly was remamed “Shamuil” (Samuel) to “repel” sickness. It worked, and the name stuck in a slightly altered form.

18 In Taras Shevchenko, Zibrannia tvoriv u 12 tomakh, vol. I (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 2003), 736, citing A. Nikolai, “Iz vospominanii o moei zhizni: Darginskii pokhod 1845,” Russkii arkhiv, no. 6 (1890), 272.

19 On his favourable treatment by the Russians, see especially T.M. Barret, “The Remaking of the Lion of Dagastan: Shamil in Captivity,” Russian Review 8, no. 3 (1994), 353-66, which argues that this treatment of a vanquished enemy was gauged to sooth Russian pride after the empire's humiliating defeat in the Crimea.

20 Viacheslav Prokopenko, “Shamil u Kyievi,” online at https://web.archive.org/ web∕20070820070820012707∕http√∕www.dt.ua∕3000∕3150∕45302∕, 8 August 2016, writes that Shamil, contrasting it to isolated and chilly Kaluga, liked lively Kyiv, with its mild climate and hilly geography, which, as he wrote in a letter quoted in Prokopenko, “Shamil u Kyievi,” reminded him of his home in the Caucasus. Unfortunately, this popular-style article does not cite any authorities for these statements.

21 See A. Manchuk, “Shamil na Pecherskykh Kholmakh,” at https√∕web.archive. org∕web∕20081013122313∕http√∕mycityua.com∕history∕2007∕09∕06∕090007.html, 9 August 2016. Also see Shapi Kaziev, Imam Shamil (Moscow: Molodaia gvardiia, 2001), 352. Shevchenko's “Kavkaz” was first printed in Leipzig, in 1859, well be­yond the reach of the Russian censors, and gradually filtered back into the Russian Empire. See Nina Ch., “Kavkaz,” in Shevchenkivska entsyklopedia, III, 218. J.B. Rudnyckyj claims that the poem was circulated in hand-written copies and widely known in Ukraine even prior to this; see his “Introduction” to the photo-reprint edition of the Leipzig text, which is collated with the Biletsky text: J.B. Rudnyckyj, ed., New Poems of Pushkin and Shevchenko: A Revised Version of the Leipzig Edi­tion of 1859 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1959), 4. He further suggests that the poet's friend and colleague Panteleimon Kulish was probably responsible for sending the manuscript abroad.

22 D.Kh. Murat, “Iz Stambula vo Lvova,” at http√∕gazavat.ru∕history3.php^rub =188art=132, 5 November 2016, reproduces this portrait of Shamil, and also one of his son, which he says are today preserved in Lviv in western Ukraine. Also see Kaziev, Imam Shamil, 354.

23 Manchuk, “Shamil.” Also see Gammer, Muslim Resistance, 257-95, which proposes that Shamil, despite his firm commitment to the cause, was no “fanatic,” but rather a practical man, who knew when he was beaten and recognized reality when he saw it. Knysh, “Shamil,” concurs. Ali Askerov, “Shamil,” in his Historical Dictionary of the Chechen Conflict (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015), 120-1, informs us that there is currently much controversy about Shamil's legacy among the Chechens, some seeing him as the finest model of a resistance fighter, but others condemning his surrender to the Russians and subsequent withdrawal from the war. Askerov writes: “Many of his local officials received high ranks in Russia's colonial administration.”

24 Yu.O. Ivakin, Komentar do Kobzaria' Shevchenka: Poezii do zaslannia (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1964), 282-3.

25 See “Kukharenko, Yakiv Herasymovych," in Shevchenkivskyi slovnyk, 2 vols. (Kyiv: an UkRSR, 1976), I, 338. On Kostomarov, see my two studies: “Mykola Kosto­marov and East Slavic Ethnography in the Nineteenth Century," Russian History 18, no. 2 (1991), 163-86, and Mykola Kostomarov: A Biography (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), especially 7-36, on his Kharkiv period and early interests in the Cossacks and folksongs about them.

26 See Shevchenko's first preserved letter to Kukharenko, dated 30 March 1842, in T.H. Shevchenko, Zibrannia Tvoriv u 12 tomakh, vol. VI (Kyiv: Naukova dum- ka, 2003), 18-19, which ends with a friendly greeting to “mii shcheryi ridnyi brate Otomane (my sincere and dear brother and Otoman)," and his letter of 31 January 1843, 22-3, which discusses the publication project.

27 In V.S. Borodin, ed., Lysty do Tarasa Shevchenka (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1993), 84. In addition to the titles cited above, also see V.K. Chumachenko, “Kukharenko, Yakiv Herasymovych," in Entsyklopediia Istorii Ukrainy, vol. V (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 2008), 541, and Volodymyr Movchaniuk and Viktor Chumachenko, “Kukharenko, Yakiv Herasymovych," in Shevchenkivska entsyklopediia, III, 668-70.

28 Movchaniuk and Chumachenko, “Kukharenko," 669, quotes L. Melnikov, an ear­ly authority on the relationship between Shevchenko and Kukharenko, as follows: “[The very centrepoint of] their primary interest in the view of Shevchenko was the Black Sea region as a part of Ukraine, which more than any other preserved the invincible spirit and structure of glorious Zaporozhia, and on the part of Kukharenko, the same interest with regard to Ukraine - the mother of the Black Sea [Cossacks and region]."

29 O.S. Afanasiev-Chuzhbynsky, “Spomyny pro T.H. Shevchenka," in I.O. Dzeverin, ed., Spodady pro Tarasa Shevchenka (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1982), 92.

30 Mykola Zerov, Lektsii z istorii ukrainskoi literatury (Oakville, Ont.: cius and Mo­saic Press, 1977), 174. The importance of this Canadian edition of Zerov's book is stressed by Viacheslav Briukovetsky, “Zerov i Shevchenko," in V. Panchenko, ed., Mykola Zerov: Vybrani tvory (Kyiv: Smoloskyp, 2015), 772-82, which notes that, in the absence of Zerov's proscribed works in Soviet Ukraine after 1930, a legend arose that Zerov, being a “Neoclassic" author, who translated ancient Greek and Roman texts into modern Ukrainian, denigrated Shevchenko as merely a folk poet. This Canadian edition of his lectures, says Briukovetsky, showed this to have been completely untrue.

31 On this, see especially Myroslav Shkandrij, Russia and Ukraine: Literature and the Discourse of Empire from Napoleonic to Postcolonial Times (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001), 131-41.

32 Indeed, the name “Shamil” and even the very words Musulman or Musulmanyn (Muslim) do not occur in any of Shevchenko’s known works, either in Ukrainian or in Russian. See Appendix C, “Shevchenko and the Muslims,” at the end of this volume.

33 My translation of “Kavkaz” derives partly from that by John Weir, the pen name of Ivan Vyviursky (1906-1983), the Ukrainian Canadian newspaper editor and Communist political activist. For both the Ukrainian text and his translation, see Taras Shevchenko, Selected Poetry (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1977), trans. John Weir et al., 187-95, especially 192. For a text with accents added, see Shevchenko, Kob­zar, ed. Biletsky, II, 141-5. Weir’s translation captures the poet’s anger and fire in a way that others do not, such as those of Alexander Hunter, The Kobzar of the Ukraine (Teulon, Man.: The Author, 1922), 68-78, and C.H. Andrusyshen and Watson Kirkconnell, The Poetical Works of Taras Shevchenko (Toronto: Univer­sity of Toronto Press, 1964), 243-8. Unlike Weir, they make free use of some off- putting archaic forms of the English language, hardly suitable for a fiery “revolu­tionary” like Shevchenko. For other translations, see Taras Shevchenko, Song out of Darkness: Selected Poems, trans. Vera Rich (London, 1961), 69-73, which is one of the best, and The Complete Kobzar: The Poetry of Taras Shevchenko, trans. Peter Fedynsky (London: Glagoslav, 2013), especially 171-3, which, however, dispenses completely with rhyme.

34 See my Mykhailo Hrushevsky: The Politics of National Culture (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), especially chap. 8, 180-207; and on Symonenko, see Derek Jones, ed., Censorship: A World Encyclopedia, 4 vols. (London: Routledge, 2001), 2361, and the article on him by Ivan Koshelivets in Volodymyr Kubijovyb and Danylo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. V (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), 143. Also see “Perekladannia tvoriv T.H. Shevchenka,” in Shevchenkivskyi slovnyk, II, 95 (on Honcharenko), and II, 93 (on the Chechen translation). Similarly, the Prometheus theme was later resurrected by non­Russian refugees from the ussr in inter-war Poland, where the Polish government, wishing to use them against its threatening neighbour to the east, sponsored a Prometheus Movement aiming at the liberation of all these peoples from Soviet Russian rule, including Ukrainians, Crimean Tatars, central Asians, and Caucasians. With regard to Poland itself, in December 1846, through a member of the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius, M. Savych, who was on his way abroad, Shevchenko sent a copy of his poem to the famous insurgent Polish poet Adam Mickiewicz, whom he greatly respected and admired. See Nina Ch., “Kavkaz,” 219.

35 According to Knysh, “Shamil,” an especially vociferous anti-Shamil literature arose in the 1950s and clearly labelled him a counter-revolutionary religious “fanatic.” This move seemed to coincide with Khrushchev’s anti-religious drive but, of course, did not affect the official “Great Friendship of Peoples” policies.

36 See the discussion, with quotations from Pushkin and Lermontov, in Zerov, Lektsii, 174-5. On Tolstoy, see Henri Troyat, Tolstoy (New York: Doubleday, 1967), 77-108, especially 101, which quotes Tolstoy’s diary entry of 6 January 1853, when he was living with the Cossacks in the Caucasus: “War is so unjust and ugly that all who wage it must try to stifle the voice of conscience within themselves.” There are also some good comparisons of those Russian literati and Shevchen­ko in Manning, “The Caucasus,” 22-8, and Oleksandr Tkachuk, Intertekst poe- my ‘Kavkaz’ Tarasa Shevchenka: Prometeizm v Oriientalnomu dyskusi (Ternopil: Ministerstvo osvity, 2012), which as well explores the concept of “Orientalism” as applied to these writers. Also see Shkandrij, Russia and Ukraine, 134-8, and Susan Layton, “Nineteenth-Century Russian Mythologies of Caucasian Savage­ry,” in Daniel Brower and Edward J. Lazzerini, eds., Russia’s Orient: Imperial Borderlands and Peoples, 1700-1917 (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1997), 80-100, which give further references.

37 See, for example, Mykola Zhulynsky, ed., Istoriia ukrainskoi literatury, vol. IV (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 2014), 360-1; Dziuba is the author of this entire volume. On Dziuba himself, with a list of his most important works stressing internation­alism and human rights, see M.H. Zhelezniak, “Dziuba, Ivan Mykhailovych,” in Entsyklopediia Istorii Ukrainy, vol. II (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 2004), 378-9.

38 Tsereteli was from a princely Georgian family, whose custom it was to send its sons to live with a peasant family for a time during their youth. This familiar­ity with peasant life may have drawn the young Georgian to Shevchenko, who certainly impressed him as a kind of grandfather figure. Tsereteli later wrote: “I confess that I first understood from his words how to love my homeland and one’s own people.” See Akaki Tsereteli, “Moi spohady pro Shevchenka,” in M. Pavli- uk, ed., Spohady pro Taras Shevchenka (Kyiv, 1982), 343-5. Also see Valerian Ime- dadze, “Shevchenko i Tsereteli,” Khronika 2000, no. 43 (2001), 209-18.

39 Shauket Mufti, Heroes and Emperors in Circassian History (Beirut: Librarie du Li- ban, 1972), 125. Also see Forsyth, The Caucasus, 283-4. Strangely, even the Ukrainian specialist Iaroslav Lebedynsky, in his La conquete russe du Caucase 1774-1864 (Chamalieres: Lemme edit, 2018), mentions neither Shevchenko nor his poem.

40 Shkandrij, Russia and Ukraine, 134, writes that Shevchenko’s poem “remained an embarrassment to both Tsarist and Soviet authorities for thirteen decades” and notes that Dziuba recalled that throughout the Soviet period the poem was not recit­ed at public celebrations of the poet’s name and that it was avoided by commentators.

41 I refer here to that of Clarence A. Manning, Taras Shevchenko: The Poet of Ukraine, Selected Poems (New York: Philosophical Library, 1945), and those of Rich, in Shevchenko, Song out of Darkness, trans. Rich, 69-73; of John Weir, in Taras Shevchenko: Selected Poetry, trans. John Weir et al. (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1977), 187-95; and of Peter Fedynsky, The Complete Kobzar: The Poetry of Taras Shevchenko, trans. Peter Fedynsky (London: Glagoslav, 2013), especially 171-3. Indeed, even during the Cold War some of the best non-Communist - that is, emigre - literary figures and historians acknowledged the superiority of Weir's translations, which were published either in Soviet Ukraine or by a pro-Communist institution in Canada. For example, in the early 1980s, at a public lecture that I attended at the University of Toronto given by the poet Bohdan Rubchak, the literary histori­an George Luckyj pointed out the excellence of Weir's Shevchenko as compared to Kirkconnell's, in Andrusyshen and Kirkconnell, The Poetical Works of Taras Shevchenko. Rubchak agreed with him. However, for obvious reasons, during the Cold War such an opinion was not widely discussed by emigre Ukrainians in the West. See, for example, the extremely brief article on Weir as compared to the more extensive one on Kirkconnell's collaborator, Constantine Andrusyshen, in Mykhailo Marunchak, Biohrafichnyi dovidnyk do istorii ukraintsiv Kanady (Win­nipeg: UVAN, 1986). During the Cold War, several hardy Ukrainian-Canadian “pro-Communists,” such as Weir and Petro Krawchuk, stuck officially to the par­ty line but quietly defied the Russian chauvinism coming from Moscow (as well as from some of their less well-informed non-Ukrainian, Canadian comrades) and remained staunch Ukrainian patriots and ceasely propagated the Shevchen­ko cult in the Western world. For a post-Soviet opinion that does appreciate their contributions, see the substantial article by Roksolana Zorivchak, “Kanadska lit­erature i Shevchenko,” in Shevchenkivska entsyklopediia (Kiev, 2012), III, 250-4, with a very full bibliography.

42 Ivakin, Komentar, 282. For a post-Soviet treatment that gives Shamil somewhat more play, including a colour picture of him, see O.I. Rudenko and N.B. Petren­ko, Vichnyi iak narod: Storinky do biohrafii T.H. Shevchenka (Kyiv: Lybid, 1998), 123-34.

43 Another personal anecdote is relevant here. Sometime about 1989, that is, after the Gorbachev reforms took off in the ussr, but before Ukrainian independence, the distinguished “Soviet” Ukrainian intellectual Serhii Bilokin visited Toronto, where he and I discussed the current state of scholarship about Hrushevsky and Shevchenko. He opined that Biletsky's edition of Shevchenko was “the worst” - whether he meant outside the ussr or ever he did not specify. On the censorship of Shamil and Chechen history in Soviet works, see Forsyth, The Caucasus, 604­13.

44 Askerov, “Shamil,” 185-6. Askerov gives only a few biographical details about Pushkin and ignores his problematic attitude towards the Russian-Caucasian conflict. Askerov's Historical Dictionary (2015), where the article appeared, did not fully appreciate the significance for Caucasia of the new Russian-Ukrainian war, which began in 2014. However, it clearly affected Georgia, which only a few years before had confronted the Russians.

45 See Mykhailo Drahomanov, “Shevchenko, ukrainofily, i sotsializm,” in his Vybrane (Kyiv: Lybid, 1991), 327-429, especially 400ff. Much of this essay is available in English. See Mykhailo Drahomanov, “Excerpts from ‘Shevchenko, the Ukraino- philes, and Socialism',” in George Luckyj, ed., Shevchenko and the Critics (Toron­to: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 65-90. In this essay, Drahomanov summa­rized the positions of his predecessors: Kulish, Kostomarov, and Partytsky.

46 See the commentary to the poem by V.S. Borodin and others in Taras Shevchen­ko, Povne zibrannia tvoriv u 12 tomakh (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1989- ), I, 500, which gives further references. Unfortunately, there is still no mention of Shamil. Only the 2003 edition was to do so, in the passage in English translation on de Balmen's death quoted above. Also on Marx and the Ukrainian question, see the concluding paragraphs in the “Introduction” to the present volume.

47 See Hnatiuk's Introduction to Franko's Shevchenkoznavchi studii, especially 9-10, and his notes on 409-11. Hnatiuk restores (64) a few lines struck out by Soviet censors, which compared Pushkin unfavourably to Shevchenko and noted that Kondratii Ryleev was about the only political poet that Russia ever produced who openly tackled what he called “Saint Petersburg centralism.”

48 Grabowicz, The Poet as Mythmaker. One exception to this trend is Myroslav Shkandrij, Russia and Ukraine, which termed Grabowicz's attempt to entirely cordon off the mythic-poetic from the political “unconvincing” (138).

49 Shkandrij, Russia and Ukraine, 141, suggests that Shevchenko generally consid­ered and was bothered by this type of contradiction and in his “Kavkaz” revealed it to be “a national shame” for Ukrainians.

CHAPTER SIX

1 An earlier version of this chapter appeared online without scholarly annotation at Slideshare and Academia.com. The life of Balzac has been recounted many times. The most extensive life available in English is Graham Robb, Balzac: A Biography (New York: Norton, 1994). For a shorter treatment, see David Car­ter, Honore de Balzac (London: Hesperus, 2008). Valuable biographies by Stephan Zweig (1946) and Andre Maurois (1965), written in German and French respec­tively, were translated into both English and Russian. Maurois was also translated into Ukrainian (1969) during the “Shelest Renaissance.” A number of famed “Bal- zaciens,” as Balzac scholars are called, have written biographies of both Honore and his wife, Eve, the most notable being Marcel Bouteron's in the 1920s and Rog­er Pierrot's in the 1990s.

2 See the first pages of Elbert Hubbard, Balzac and Madame Hanska (East Aurora, ny: N.p., 1906) - a brief but pioneering work on the subject in English, of which I made extensive use. According to “Balzac,” in Encyklopedia powszechna S. Orgel- branda (General Encyclopaedia of S. Orgelbrand), vol. II (Warsaw, 1898), 87-8, the Frenchman remained little-known in Polish lands (which then included much of today's Ukraine) until after his death, at which time a younger generation ac­knowledged him as a writer of “universal” importance, who for the first time in European literature properly threw new light on the internal side of things, and thus was awarded a kind of unofficial title as a “doctor of the social sciences.”

3 See A.I. Puzikov, “Balzak, Onore de,” in Kratkaia Iiteraturnaia entsiklopediia (Short Literary Encyclopaedia), vol. I (Moscow, 1962), 427-35, especially 431 (my translation).

4 See “Eve Hanska,” in Vincent Cronin, The Romantic Way (Boston, 1965), especial­ly 162-3, in a book about four fascinating European women, two of whom were Slavs, Hanska, and Marie Bashkirtseff, also of Ukrainian origin. Again, I have made extensive use of this account.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid., 160.

7 There are several studies in French about Balzac's relationship with Hanska; es­pecially good on the cultural milieu is Sophie de Korwin-Piotrowska, Balzac et le monde slave: Madame Hanska et Vxeuvre balzacienne (Paris: H. Champion, 1933), even though the author is somewhat of an apologist for her. Roger Pier­rot edited Balzac's Lettres a Madame Hanska in 4 vols. (Paris: Editions du Delta, 1967-71), with extensive annotation. These remarkable letters are also available in an older English translation: Honore [sic] de Balzac, Letters to Madame Hans­ka born Countess Rzewuska afterward Mme Honore [sic] de Balzac[,] 1833-1846, trans. Katherine Prescott Wormeley (Boston, 1900; reprint Kessinger, 2010), 786 pp., which, however, was unavailable to me.

8 For general introductions to Ukrainian history that discuss the role of the Polish gentry in right-bank Ukraine, and even mention the Rzewuski family, see Paul Robert Magocsi, A History of Ukraine: The Land and Its Peoples (Toronto: Univer­sity of Toronto Press, 2010), especially 309, and Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A His­tory (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), especially 189. Also see Daniel Beauvois, “Le monde de Madame Hanska: Etat de la societe polonaise d'Ukraine au milieu du XIX siecle,” L’annee balzacienne, no. 14 New Series (Paris, 1993), 21-40, which is very forthcoming about the rather severe Ukrainian-Polish, and Russian-Polish, national and social tensions of that time, and also the looming Russian-Ukrainian conflict. There are also a few relevant observations in Serhiy Bilenky, Romantic Nationalism in Eastern Europe: Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian Political Imaginations (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2012); see the sections on Poland.

9 Beauvois, “Le monde de Madame Hanska,” 22-3.

10 Ibid. Also see the useful collection of essays on this theme: Stanislaw Makowski et al., Szkota ukrainska w romantyzmie polskim: Szkice polsko-ukrainskie (Warsaw: Wydzial polonistyki Uniwersitetu Warszawskiego, 2012), and on Eve in particular Zygmunt Czerny, “Hanska, Ewelina z Rzewuskich, Madame de Balzac,” in Polski Stownik Biograficzny, vol. IX (Wroclaw, 1960-61), 286-7.

11 See the discussion in chapter 2 of this volume, which gives full references.

12 Beauvois, “Le monde de Madame Hanska,” 40.

13 On Balabin, and on Balzac in Russia generally, see Leonid Grossman, “Balzak v Rossii,” Literaturnoe nasledstvo, nos. 32-3 (1937), 151-71, which is really a small book. Also see F. Savchenko, “Balzak na Ukraini (1847-1850),” Ukraina no. 1 (Kyiv, 1924), 134-51, a pioneering study in the initial issue of an epoch-making scholarly journal of Ukrainian studies; Ilko Borshchak, “Honore Balzak (1799-1850)” and “Ukraina i ukraintsi v lystuvanni Balzaka,” Ukraina, no. 3 (Paris, 1950), 186-91; D.S. Nalyvaiko, “Ukraina u Balzaka,” Inozemna filolohiia, no. 2 (1965), 133-41; and, most recently, Yevhen Luniak, Mynuvshchyna Ukrainy v romantychnykh is- toriiakh (Kyiv: Knyha, 2011), 288-93.

14 On the Polish insurrection in 1846 in Austrian Galicia, see Aleksander Giesztor et al., History of Poland (Warsaw: pwn, 1979), 409-13, and, more briefly, Patrice M. Dabrowski, Poland: The First Thousand Years (Dekalb, Ill.: Northern Illinois University Press, 2014), 322-3. In the nineteenth century, it was often said that the “Ruthenian,” or Ukrainian peasants of eastern Galicia were primarily to blame for the ferocious attacks on the noble Polish rebels, who in many cases were simply massacred. But recent scholarship agrees that the jacquerie was limited to western, or Polish Galicia. Balzac, of course, could not tell the difference and believed that the massacres extended further east than was in fact the case.

15 Marcel Bouteron was the first to publish Balzac's Lettre sur Kiew, in 1927; re­print in Cahiers balzaciens 5-8 (Geneva, 1971), with unsigned annotation by the Ukrainian scholar Ilko Borshchak; see especially 72.

16 In Borshchak, “Honore de Balzak,” 189.

17 On the Cyril-Methodians, see my Mykola Kostomarov: A Biography (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996), 37-58, especially 57, and George S.N. Luckyj, Young Ukraine: The Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius, 1845-1847 (Otta­wa: University of Ottawa Press, 1991), especially 47-50. Also see Johannes Remy, Brothers or Enemies: The Ukrainian National Movement and Russia from the 1840s to the 1870s (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2016), 22-60, which points out that members and the investigating police used the term “Society.” The “Brother­hood” label came probably from anti-Communist emigre Ukrainian historians who disliked the secular Soviet interpretation of the group - and even the Soviets long used the term “Brotherhood.”

18 Grossman, “Balzak v Rossii.”

19 Ibid., 151.

20 See ibid., and Borshchak, “Honore de Balzak.” Czerny, “Hanska, Ewelina z Rzewuskich, Madame de Balzac,” 286-7, argues that Eve wrote most of Balzac's novel Les paysans (The Peasants), which paints a very dark picture of these coun­try folk and supposedly used materials from Verkhivnia.

21 Moreover, readers of Soviet-era Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian encyclopaedia articles on Balzac were informed respectively that he was translated into Russian by Dostoevsky, in Poland he influenced Kraszewski, Prus, and even SIowacki, and in Ukraine he “always enjoyed great love and popularity,” was read by Ivan Franko and Lesya Ukrainka, and had a novel about his life written by Natan Rybak (1940) that was reprinted many times, as well as translated into both Russian and Yiddish. See, for example, Ukrainska radianska entsyklopediia, vol. I (Kyiv: ure, 1959), 431-2.

After Balzac's death, his widow financed and edited parts of his voluminous ^uvres completes, and many other French editions appeared thereafter. A few English editions of his collected works were then published, although none has been revised since. By contrast, a Russian edition in twenty volumes appeared in 1896-99, replaced by new Stalin-era editions in twenty volumes 1933-47 and in fifteen 1951-55, a Khrushchev-era edition in twenty-four volumes in 1960, and the same in Moscow 1997-99. This cornucopia testifies to the official Communist stamp of approval on Balzac, and his enormous reputation in the ussr and in Russia right up to the present day.

22

23

In Poland, an eight-volume edition of Balzac's Wybor dziel (Selected Works) appeared 1880-84, but never a full collection, while in eastern Ukraine, readers relied on Russian translations until the 1920s, when a period of intense ukrainian- ization brought Ukrainian-language translations of several of his works. From the 1930s to the 1953 death of Stalin, very little contact with the outside world was al­lowed to Ukrainian readers, but in 1971, during the “Shelest Renaissance,” a nicely illustrated one-volume edition of Balzac's Tvory (Works) appeared in Kyiv. One of the stories was translated into Ukrainian by a certain Ye. Rzhevuska (Rzewuska), which seems to indicate that at least one member of the Rzewuski family survived the tumultuous first half of the twentieth century. Finally, in 1989, during the ini­tial period of Glasnost and Perestroika in Ukraine, the Dnipro publishing house in Kyiv initiated a thorough-going collection of Balzac's Tvory v desiaty tomakh (Works in Ten Volumes). At least two thick volumes (in closely packed Cyrillic type) were published before the economic crisis of that time intervened. Borshchak, “Honore de Balzak,” 191. On Merimee, see below, chapter 7. D.S. Nalyvaiko, Onore Balzak: Zhyttia i tvorchist (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1985).

CHAPTER SEVEN

In an exceptionally perspicacious encyclopaedia article, Guy Dumur notes these contradictions. See his “Merimee, Prosper,” in Encyclopedia universalis, vol. XI (Paris, 1985), 1118-19, which concludes that “Merimee appartient au romantisme et a ses ombres.” The best general accounts of Merimee in English are those of A.W. Raitt, Prosper Merimee (New York: Charles Scriber's Sons, 1970), and Maxwell A. Smith, Prosper Merimee (New York: Twayne, 1972). For a biography in French, which I found useful, see Elizabeth Morel, Prosper Merimee: Lamour des pierres (Paris: Hachette, 1988). For further references, listed alphabetically by author, see Pierre H. Dube, Bibliographie de la critique sur Prosper Merimee 1825-1993 (Gene­va: Droz, 1997), which lists 2,386 titles.

2 “Pessimistgenug, um die Komodie mitspielen zu konnen, ohne sich zu erbrechen”; Nietzsche, quoted in Erwin Laaths, Geschichte der Weltliteratur, 2 vols. (Munich and Zurich: Knaur, 1953), II, 232-3.

3 See Paul Leon, Merimee et son temps (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1962), 397, which quotes a certain Mme Adam to this effect. It also quotes Armand Baschet's characterization of Merimee: “Style net, esprit sobre, il ecrit peu mais bien. / Poet a la surface, au fond voltairien. / Pres du mot qui nous touche une phrase equivoque / Fait quelquefois douter s'il pleure ou s'il se moque. / Tout son oeuvre tiendrait en deux toms in-huit, / Mais rien n'est oublie de ce qu'il a produit.”

4 Dumur, “Merimee, Prosper,” 1119: “Cet hyper-Franςais, qui accumule en lui les qualities et les defauts de la race a ete Fintroducteur en France de la litterature russe en ses commencements: Pouchkine et Tourginiev”

5 Prosper Merimee, Bogdan Chmielnicki: Facsimile de Fedition originale (1865) (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2007). Also see Michel Cadot, “Merimee s'est il interesse a l'Ukraine?” Litteratures 51 (Toulouse, 2004), 117-28. For a detailed analysis of Merimee's relationship with Russia, but with no references in the Slavonic lan­guages, see Thierry Ozwald, Merimee et la Russie (Paris: Euredit, 2014). Ozwald relies heavily on Henri Mongault, “Merimee et l'histoire russe,” Le monde slave (Paris, Aug., Sept., Oct. 1932), 192-216, 349-73, 59-75, respectively, and others of his works listed below.

6 On all these authors, and some others as well, see Fedir Savchenko, “Kozachchyna u frantsuzkomu pysmenstvi ta kozakofilstvo Merime,” Khronika 2000, nos, 1-2 (1995), 128-46; this pioneering article was first published in Ukraina, no. 5 (Kyiv, 1925). Also see Vasyl Fedorovych, “Merime i Kozaky,” Visti kombatanty, no. 3 (To­ronto, 1988), 22-7. Fedorovych, however, writes with much less authority than did Savchenko, a prominent Soviet Ukrainian scholar, who perished during the Sta­lin purges of the Ukrainian intelligentsia. For a general bibliography of works in French on Ukraine, see Jacques Chevchenko, Ukraine: Bibliographie des ouvrages en franςais XVII^e-XX^e siecles (Paris: L'est europeen, 2000), which, however, lists only three titles by Merimee.

7 Prosper Merime [Merimee], Sobrannie sochinenii v3 tomakh (Moscow, 1934), and Sobrannie sochinenii v 6 tomakh (Moscow: Pravda, 1963), were unavailable to me for this writing. They are rare in the West, where most large academic libraries do not collect Russian translations of major Western classics. On the Ukrainian translations, see the discussion towards the end of this chapter.

8 For a brief account of Merimee's major works, and that portrait of him dressed up as Clara Gazul, see Gustave Lanson and Paul Tuffrau, Manuel d’histoire de la litterature franςaise (Paris and Boston: Hachette and Heath, 1938), 625-31.

9 See, for example “Merime, Prosper,” in Ukrainska radianska entsyklopediia, vol. IX (Kyiv, 1962), 65. This important encyclopaedia was published during the Khrushchev thaw, when Soviet censorship was considerably loosened and foreign subjects like Merimee were given more attention in both Russia and Ukraine. As observed above, in note 7, the six-volume Russian edition of Merimee’s Collected Works actually came out in Moscow during this period, in 1963.

10 See Prosper Merimee, Carmen and Other Stories, trans. Nicholas Jotcham (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), which contains a useful biographi­cal introduction. Morel, ProsperMerimee, proposes that this period helped define Merimee’s character and goals.

11 In A.W. Raitt, “History and Fiction in the Works of Merimee, 1803-1870,” His­tory Today 19, no. 4 (1969), 240-7, especially 244 and 246. Also see Raitt, Prosper Merimee, 241-2, and more generally Morel, Prosper Merimee, 269-77. However, Mongault remarks, in “Merimee et l’histoire russe” (Aug. 1932), 191, that the writ­er’s literary works on a subject always preceded his historical studies of it. So, he tells us, Carmen antedated his historical analysis of Castile, his translations of Pushkin his exploration of the false Demetrius, and his essay on Gogol his study of the Ukrainian Cossacks.

12 “Merime, Prosper,” in Literaturnaia entsikopediia, vol. VII (Moscow: Sovetskaia entsiklopediia, 1934), cols. 199-206, especially 202.

13 “Merime, Prosper,” in Kratkaia Iiteraturnaia entsiklopediia, 9 vols. (Moscow: Sovetskaia entsiklopediia, 1962-78), IV, cols. 177-9.

14 Pierre-Georges Caster and Paul Surer, Manuel des etudes Htterairesfrangaises: XIX siecle (Paris: Hachette, 1950), 171-6. Merimee was to return to eastern Eu­ropean folklore at the very end of his literary career with the Lithuanian folktale Lokis, a story about monster bears (a kind of werewolf) set in the dark forests of that country. The story, typical for Merimee, goes on about the ancient Lithuanian language and its relationship to Sanskrit. In English, see Merimee, Carmen and Other Stories, trans. Jotcham, 291-331.

15 On La Guzla, see Raitt, Prosper Merimee, 42-4, 59-60; and Smith, Prosper Merimee, 48-66. A Pushkin scholar writing in Russian has recently questioned whether Pushkin was really fooled by this “mystification”; see E.G. Etkind, “Iz knigi 'Bozhestvennyi Glagol.’ Pushkin prochitannyi v Rossii i vo Frantstii: ‘Pesni zapadnikh Slavian' ‘Pushkin perevodchik Merime,’” in N.V. Lindstom, ed., Pros­per Merime v russkoi literature (Moscow: Rospen, 2007), 354-76. As an epigram to his study, Etkind quotes Dostoevsky as writing that Pushkin’s translations of these songs were Pushkin’s “masterpiece among his masterpieces.”

16 See Gaston Cahen, “Prosper Merimee et la Russie,” Revue d’histoire litteraire de la France 28, no. 3 (1921), 388-96. Henri’s book, Une annee en Russie (1847), ap­peared ten years before the travelogues of writers such as Alexandre Dumas and Theophile Gautier, who are sometimes credited with “discovering” Russia for the French, or at least inventing a new kind of literature about it. Moreover, Henri was much more familiar with Russian culture and knew the language far better than they, says Cahen.

17 See especially Prosper Merimee, “Alexandre Pouchkine,” in his Portraits historiques et litteraires, 2nd ed. (Paris: Michel Levy freres, 1894), 297-302. In this essay, Merimee compares Pushkin to Byron, saying both lived hard, died young, and were the outstanding poets of their lands. In this unusually enthusiastic essay, he also praised the Russian language for its “richness, sonority, accentuation, onomatopoeia, flexibility, nuances, and delicacy.” He as well remarked that Russia had no dialects and the peasants spoke better and purer Russian than their lords. Only in Ukraine, he concluded, did the people speak a different “dialect” (302).

18 Ozwald, Merimee et la Russie, 253-4. Also see Ilko Borshchak, “Marko Vovchok i ii zviazky v Paryzhi,” Ukraina, no. 1 (Paris, 1949), especially 5-10, on Merimee.

19 In Leon, Merimee et son temps, 404. More generally, see Prosper Merimee, His- toire du regne de Pierre le Grand suivie de Phistoire de la Fausse Elizabeth II, ed. with introduction and notes by Henri Mongault and Maurice Parturier (Paris: Louis Conard, 1947). In this book, about the early part of Peter's reign, Merimee also discusses the Ukrainian Cossack hetman Ivan Mazepa and his early career, his service under Hetman Samoilovych, and the legend of his ride tied naked to the back of his horse by an irate, cuckolded husband and sent off to die on the Ukrainian steppes. Merimee accepts part of this legend (very well known throughout Europe), but sets it in Poland (37): “En somme, Paventure qui parait avoir eu lieu, non pas sur le steppe, mais aux environs de Varsovie, fut moins tra- gique que la legende adoptee par Byron, mais assez ridicule pour oblige Mazepa a quitter la cour et le pays”

20 See especially his letter of 16 June 1860 to Turgenev, in Maurice Parturier, Une amite litteraire: Prosper Merimee et Ivan Tourgeniev (Paris: Hachette, 1952), 60-3. Also see Raitt, Prosper Merimee, 282, on the comparison with Balzac, and more generally Borshchak, “Marko Vovchok i ii zviazky v Paryzhi,” 5-10. Merimee be­lieved his own translation of Kozachka to be inferior, and it was never published. Today it is lost.

21 Ozwald, Merimee et la Russie, 56.

22 In Leon, Merimee et son temps, 400.

23 See Henri Mongault, “Introduction,” in Prosper Merimee, Etudes de litterature russe, 2 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1931-32), especially lxiv-lxv; and Ozwald, Meri- mee et la Russie, 52-4. Some scholars even as late as the 1950s repeated the legend. See Borshchak, “Marko Vovchok i ii zviazky v Paryzhi,” 5, citing [Felix] Cham- bon, Notes sur Prosper Merimee (Paris, 1902), 257, which in turn cites E. Halper- ine-Kaminsky, Ivan Tourgueneff d’apres sa Corresponance avec ses amis-franςais (Paris: Charpentier, 1901), 14, which offers no source. Also see George Luckyj, The Anguish of Mykola Hohol a.k.a. Nikolai Gogol (Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press, 1998), 77, which, in contrast to Mongault, says nothing about Aleksandra's daughter Olga and paints a very positive picture of Rosset-Smirnova, who had happy memories of growing up in Ukraine; Luckyj concludes: “No wonder Gogol thought she was a kindred soul.”

24 On Gogol, Mickiewicz, and Zaleski, see George S.N. Luckyj, Between Gogol and Sevcenko: Polarity in the Literary Ukraine 1798-1847 (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag for the Harvard Series in Ukrainian Studies, 1971), 118, and also Luckyj, The Anguish of Mykola Hohol, 75, which both contain a long quote on Gogol's opinions from a letter of Zaleski to Duchinski. Boris Sokolov, Gogol: Entsiklopediia (Moscow: Algoritm, 2003), 261, quotes a Polish priest, who knew Gogol later in Rome, to the effect that Gogol “even undertook his fortunate journey to Paris in order to meet with Mickiewicz and [Jozef] Bohdan Zaleski.” Zaleski usually spelled his own given, middle name (i.e., Bohdan) with an “h” (Ukrainian style) rather than a “g” (Polish) - a telling distinction lost in Russian (Cyrillic) transliteration. Also see W. Hryshko, “Nikolai Gogol and Mykola Hohol: Paris 1837,” Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US 12, nos. 1-2 (1969-72), 113-42, which mentions those Ukrainian friends of Gogol's in Paris.

25 Mongault, “Introduction,” lxx-lxxi. However, A.K. Vinogradov, Merime vpismakh k Sobolevskomu (Moscow: Moskovskoe khudozhestvennoe izdatelstvo, 1928), 55, reported that Sobolevsky's personal archive indicated that Sobolevsky, at the time Merimee's closest Russian friend, decided, after meeting with Gogol in Italy in 1847, to use Merimee to spread knowledge about Gogol and his writings in France.

26 Mongault, “Introduction,” lxvi-lxvii. Also see Louis Leger, Nicolas Gogol (Paris: H. Didier, 1913), 98-103. Again, prior to Mongault, Leger had also rejected the idea that Merimee and Gogol had ever met (204).

27 Prosper Merimee, “Nicolas Gogol,” in his Etudes de Utterature russe, II, 6-7. It is also in this essay (6) that Merimee (who had just begun his studies of Russian) compared Gogol to Balzac and even suggested that Balzac may have influenced Gogol. Also see Yevhen Sverstiuk, Hohol i ukrainska nich: esei (Kyiv: Klio, 2013), which twice (167, 179) quotes the above passage from Merimee in Ukrainian trans­lation. Sverstiuk was a famous Ukrainian political dissident of the 1980s, who later seems to have been influenced by the work of George Luckyj, with whom he carried on an extensive literary correspondence.

28 See Halperine-Kaminsky, Ivan Tourgueneff d’apres sa corresponance avec ses amis-franςais, 15, on Dostoevsky, and more generally Sigismond Markiewicz, “La Pologne dans Freuvre et la vie de Merimee,” Revue de litterature comparee 27 (April-June 1953), 148-59.

29 Raitt, Prosper Merimee, 285-8. Also see Smith, Prosper Merimee, 153-4. Here Raitt and Smith seem to be simply following Mongault, who treated this question at length in his “Merimee et l'histoire russe” (Sept. 1932). Mongault, of course, knew some Russian, and Raitt and Smith did not. Also see Borshchak, “Marko Vovchok i ii zviazky v Paryzhi,” which considered Mongault the ultimate expert on Merimee and Russia. The era of these pretenders (1598-1613), who were all called Dmitri, is known as “The Time of Troubles”; it fell between the end of the Rurik dynasty and the enthronement of the Romanov Michael I and included a vast famine and an invasion by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. For the narrative history, see Prosper Merimee, Demetrius the Impostor: An Episode in Russian History, trans. Andrew R. Scoble (London: Richard Bentley, 1853), especially 200-8, on the origins of Dmitri.

30 I have used the second edition: Prosper Merimee, “Les Cosaques de LUkraine et leurs derniers atamans,” in his Melanges historiques et Iitteraires (Paris: Michel Levy freres, 1859), 50-90. Also see Arkady Joukovsky, “Prosper Merimee et la question ukrainienne,” in LUkraine et la France au XIX^e siecle (Paris: L’universite de la Sorbonne nouvelle, 1987), 21-32. Merimee was, in fact, quietly critical of Napoleon Ill’s policies in eastern Europe and not enthusiastic about the Crimean War, which interfered with his Russian interests. On this, see Leon, Merimee et son temps, 119-29. Merimee wrote “Les Cosaques de l’Ukraine” perhaps in response to a request from the French court, just as Charles-Louis Lesur penned his Histoire des Cosaques (Paris, 1814) at Napoleon’s behest during his Russian campaign of 1812. On the latter invasion, see my summary of Borshchak’s research: “1812: Napoleon and Ukraine,” Ukrainian Weekly (New York), no. 47 (8 Nov. 2012), 8-9, which may, however, contain some errors, as Borshchak’s work (always interesting) often contains false citations indicating what he wished to find in the sources, not what he actually found. I discovered how systematic this problem was only after publishing this 2012 article.

31 In Ozwald, Merimee et la Russie, 170.

32 In a letter of 24 February 1863, Merimee wrote to Turgenev: “Monsieur Kostoma- rof imagines that the whole world wants to know about the Cossacks and fills his book with beautiful words that no one can find in the dictionaries” (Parturier, Une amite litteraire, 86). And on 9 January 1863, in his last letter to Sobolevsky, he wrote: “I am reviewing Monsieur Kostomarof’s Bohdan Khmelnytsky in the Journal des savants. I am very much displeased with all of the Little Russianisms in his book. Without Turgenev, I would have been able to get nothing at all out of it” (Vinogradov, Merime v pismakh k Sobolevskomu, 212). On Kostomarov in this regard, see in particular my two studies: Mykola Kostomarov: A Biography (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996) and “Mykola Kostomarov and East Slavic Ethnography in the Nineteenth Century,” Russian History 18, no. 2 (1991), 163-86.

33 In Parturier, Une amite litteraire, 26.

34 Merimee, Bogdan Chmielnicki, 20-2.

35 Ibid., 1-2, 291-2. I have used Raitt’s translation for the first part of this quote; see his Prosper Merimee, 290. Also see Joukovsky, “Prosper Merimee et la question ukrainienne,” passim.

36 These included hetman (Ukrainian Cossack ruler) and sich (fortified Cossack headquarters on the Dnieper River). See E.P. Martianova, Ot otrazhenii russko- frantsuzkikh kulturnikh sviazei vo frantsuzkom iazyke i literature XIX veka... P. Merime (Kharkiv: Kharkivskii universitet, 1980), 131.

37 See Ozwald, Merimee et la Russie, 302-3, especially n 220 and n 222, which cite Joukovsky, “Merimee et la question ukrainienne.”

38 There is a heavily censored Russian-language article on the relationship between Marx and Kostomarov by the Soviet Ukrainian scholars Ye. Shabliovsky and V.G.

Sarbei, “N.I. Kostomarov v Istoriograficheskom nasledii Karla Marksa,” Voprosy istorii, no. 8 (1967), 49-59. Further on this subject, see the “Introduction” to the present volume.

39 Dmytro Nalyvaiko, “Prosper Merime i Ukraina,” Vsesvit, no. 9 (1970), 145-9.

40 Oleh Kupchynsky, “Prosper Merime i ioho tvir ‘Bohdan Khmelnytsky',” Zhovten, no. 7 (Lviv, 1987), 16-22. Also see the reprint (which, however, lacks an introduc­tion): Prosper Merimee [Merime], Ukrainski kozaky ta ikhni ostanni hetmany. Bohdan Khmelnytsky (Kyiv: Biblioteka ukraintsia, 1998).

41 The fact that Merimee's work on Khmelnytsky was researched, written, and first published on the eve and in the midst of the 1863-64 Polish insurrection against the Russian Empire, of which Merimee was extremely critical, may have had something to do with his pro-Ukrainian opinions (if they can be called that) of that time. Certainly, he stressed the violence of both sides in the conflict.

42 Prosper Merimee, Lettres a une autre inconnu (Paris: Michel Levy freres, 1875), 118. “Cest d’etre un peu trop polonais. Vous savez que pour moi je suis Cosaque” According to Ozwald, Merimee et la Russie, 75, Mme Przedziecka was born Lise Lachman, and was the wife of Charles Przedziecki, an officer in the Russian army and the son of “an illustrious family in Podolia” - one of the most westerly provinces of Russian Ukraine, at that time part of “the South Western Region.” Although most of the nobility there was Polish, most of the peasants were Ukrainian.

CHAPTER EIGHT

1 This chapter appeared first in the Polish Review 56, no. 3 (2011), 159-86. See es­pecially Kenneth Clark, An Introduction to Rembrandt (New York: Harper and Row, 1978). For a particularly well-put brief characterization of Rembrandt, which devotes some attention to The Polish Rider, see Robert Hughes, “The God of Re­alism,” New York Review of Books (6 April 2006), 6, 8, 10, also available as “Con­noisseur of the Ordinary,” Guardian, 11 February 2006, www.guardian.co.uk/ artanddesign∕2006∕feb∕11∕art∕print. For authoritative syntheses informed by re­cent scholarly debates, see Simon Schama, Rembrandt’s Eyes (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999), and Gary Schwartz, The Rembrandt Book (New York: Abrams, 2006). Both volumes are well illustrated, although the latter is missing a repro­duction of The Polish Rider. Somewhat older, but with a respectable commentary on the rider, is Michael Kitson, Rembrandt, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Phaidon, 1982), es­pecially section 34. For a recent synthesis in Polish, see M. Monkiewicz, “Rem­brandt,” in Sztuka swiata 7 (Warsaw, 1994), 137-59. My maternal grandfather, Jan Mi^dzybrodzki (Miedzybrocki in Canadian orthography), a Polish szlachcic and native of eastern Galicia under the Habsburgs, inspired in his Canadian children and us grandchildren affection for their Polish heritage, which helped lead me to this study of The Polish Rider.

2 For some rather full collections of Rembrandt’s paintings that list The Polish Rider, see, for example, Abraham Bredius, The Paintings of Rembrandt, 2 vols. (Vienna and New York: Phaidon Press, 1937), especially vol. I, no. 279, and Kurt Bauch, Rembrandt: Gemalde (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1966), especially no. 211. The latter labels the picture Gijsbrecht van Amstel, an allegorical interpretation dis­cussed in the text below.

3 For some general observations, see H. Gerson, “Rembrandt in Poland,” Burlington Magazine 98, no. 641 (Aug. 1956), 280-3, and Michal Walicki, “Rembrandt w Polsce,” Biuletyn historii sztuki, no. 3 (1956), 319-48, with a synopsis in French, 347­8. Walicki’s valuable article is reprinted in his Obrazy bliskie i dalekie (Warsaw: Wydawnictwa Artystyczne i Filmowe, 1963), 171-97, but all references in the present chapter are to the journal edition. On the “Polish Nobleman,” see Otakar Odlozilik, “Rembrandt’s Polish Nobleman,” Polish Review 8, no. 4 (1963), 3-33. At mid-century there were four generally acknowledged Rembrandts in Poland: Landscape with the Good Samaritan (1638), Portrait of Martin Day (1634), Self­portrait (c. 1628), and Portrait of Saskia (1633). Some half-century later, only the first remained unquestionably a Rembrandt. Meanwhile, in the 1990s, Karolina Lanckoronska of Vienna donated both Girl in a Hat (1641), formerly called The Jewish Bride, and Scholar at a Lectern (1641), formerly Father of the Jewish Bride, to the Royal Castle (Zamek) Museum in Warsaw. In 2006, Ernst van de Wetering, a representative of the notably rigorous Amsterdam-based Rembrandt Research Project (discussed below in this chapter), opined that both paintings were true Rembrandts. See Dorota Jurecka, “Mamy prawdziwe Rembrandty,” Gazeta Wyborcza (Warsaw), 4 Feb. 2006. For a more detailed history of the attribution of these canvases, see the website of the Royal Castle in Warsaw, page devoted to “Autorstwo obrazow,” at www.zamek-krolewski.com.pThpage=1434, 1 January 2020.

4 The Polish Rider, in The Frick Collection: An Illustrated Catalogue, vol. I: Paintings (New York: Frick, 1968), 258-65, with a brief bibliography. There is a serviceable colour reproduction of the painting under an article of the same name in the English-language Wikipedia. Unfortunately, this article is not linked to its Pol­ish-language counterpart - “Jezdziec Polski,” 5 August 2010 - which displays the same photograph and contains additional information and many links to related Polish subjects.

5 M[aurycy] D[zieduszycki], “Wizerunek Lisowczyka, obraz olejny Rembrandta,” Biblioteka Naukowego Zakladu imienia Ossolinskich, vols. VII-IX (1843), 157-9.

6 Wilhelm Bode, Studien zur Geschichte der hollandischen Malerei (Brunswick: Friedrich Viewege, 1883), 499-500.

7 See Anthony Bailey, Responses to Rembrandt (New York: Tinken, 1994), which quotes Bredius on 118, n 5. For more detail on Bredius’s research trip to Galicia, Poland, and Russia, on which he claimed to have discovered a number of “new”

277 Rembrandts, see Catherine B. Scallen, Rembrandt: Reputation and the Practice of Connoisseurship (Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam Press, 2004), 132-3.

8 Alfred von Wurzbach, Niederlandisches Kunstler-Lexikon auf Grund archivali- scher Forschungen bearbeitet, 3 vols. (Vienna and Leipzig, 1906-11; reprint 1963), I, 573: “Dzikow. Graf Tarnowski. Ein tatarischer Reiter... ” (Dzikow, Count Tar­nowski: A Tatar Rider... ).

9 The Polish Rider, in The Frick Collection, 258-65; Julius A. Chroscicki, “Rem­brandt’s ‘Polish Rider’: Allegory or Portrait?” in Alicja Dyczek-Gwizdz et al., eds., Ars Auro Prior: Studia Ioanni Bialostocki Sexagenario dictata (Warsaw: pwn, 1981), 441-8 et passim, and Zygmunt Batowski, “Z powodu sprzedazy Lisowczy- ka,” Lamus 3, no. 6 (1910), 189-96. Also see Bailey, Responses to Rembrandt, 4-5, which emphasizes Fry’s experience. On Frick as an industrialist and “robber bar­on” as well as a collector of art, see, for example, Samuel A. Schreiner, Henry Clay Frick: The Gospel of Greed (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1995). For a more positive assessment, see Martha Frick Symington Sanger, Henry Clay Frick: An Intimate Portrait (New York: Abbeville, 1998), with some speculations concerning Frick’s feelings about The Polish Rider on 72-4 and 452-4. The role of eastern European immigrants, especially Slavs, in the Homestead Strike of 1892 is stressed in Paul Krause, The Battlefor Homestead 1880-1892: Politics, Culture and Steel (Pittsburgh and London: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), 221-6, 315-28, which notes that these Slavic workers’ efforts on behalf of organized labour have been seriously un­derrated. On the Tarnowski family and its varying fortunes during the twentieth century, see Andrew Tarnowski, The Last Mazurka: A Tale of War, Passion and Loss (London: Aurum, 2006), which mentions The Polish Rider on 4.

10 “The Henry Clay Frick Collection,” Art World 1, no. 6 (March 1917), 374-8.

11 “Mr Frick’s Rembrandt,” Lotus Magazine 1, no. 3 (1910), 7-8. Another poem in honour of The Polish Rider was published in Art in America (Oct. 1920); the first stanza is quoted in full in Bailey, Responses to Rembrandt, 119, n 7.

12 In Andrew Ciechanowski, “Notes on the Ownership of Rembrandt’s ‘Polish Rid­er’,” Art Bulletin 42, no. 4 (1960), 294-6.

13 Ibid., citing Inventory of 1795. Also see Walicki, “Rembrandt w Polsce,” 329.

14 See Chroscicki, “Rembrandt’s ‘Polish Rider’,” 443, and 448, n 9, citing T. Mankow- ski, “Obrazy Rembrandta w Galerii Stanislawa Augusta,” Prace Komisji Historii Sztuki PAU, V (1930), 17-19, which refers to the king’s letter. Chroscicki, howev­er, was unable to find this letter in the surviving correspondence. On the Lisow- czyks, who were basically brigands in royal and then imperial service, see Henryk Wisner, Lisowczycy (Warsaw: Ksiqzka i Wiedza, 1976), which sports a full-colour reproduction of The Polish Rider on the cover. See M[aurycy] D[zieduszycki], “Wizerunek Lisowczyka, obraz olejny Rembrandta (Portrait of a Lisowczyk, an oil painting by Rembrandt),” Biblioteka Naukowego Zakladu imienia Ossolinskich [Ossolineum], vol. VII-IX (1843), 157-9, and Dzieduszycki’s history of the Lisow- czyks, 2 vols. (1843-44).

15 Ciechanowski, “Notes on the Ownership of Rembrandt’s ‘Polish Rider',” 296; Chroscicki, “Rembrandt’s ‘Polish Rider,’” 441.

16 Dzieduszycki, “Wizerunek Lisowczyka,” 158.

17 For a brief survey of Polish artists influenced by Rembrandt’s painting, see Walic- ki, “Rembrandt w Polsce,” 330. (Auer’s lithograph may be the same image as that printed by Dzieduszycki in 1843, although I have not been able to examine the Piller version.) Also see Zygmunt Gloger, “Lisowczyki,” in Encyklopedia Staropol- ska Illustrowana, 4 vols. (Warsaw, 1972), III, 145-6. (This work was first published 1900-3.) On Brandt in particular, see, for example, Anna Bernat, Jozef Brandt (1841-1915) (Warsaw: Edipresse, 2007), which gives further references; on Kossak, see Kazimierz Olszanski, Juliusz Kossak (Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1988), especial­ly nos. 126, 127, 130, which is the most detailed account, and Maciej Maslowski, Juliusz Kossak (Warsaw: waif, 1986), especially no. 71, which contains the best reproduction of Kossak’s Lisowczyk on a White Horse. Unlike Rembrandt’s rid­er, however, Kossak’s has a slight moustache but no fire or high “fortress” in the background. Also, his hat is more natural than that of Rembrandt’s rider, lacking the puzzling black arc of the latter, which appears to have been added by a later hand, perhaps a “restorer,” although the Frick (The Polish Rider, in The Frick Col­lection, 264, n 4) maintains that technical examination shows that “the peculiar shape results from the dark fur trimming of the two upturned flaps merging with some dark hair on the Rider’s forehead.” Somewhat strangely, the most extensive pre-independence Polish encyclopaedia does not even mention the “Lisowczyk”; see “Rembrandt,” in Encyklopedia Powszechna S. Orgelbranda, vol. XII (Warsaw, 1902), 563; nor does that era’s most detailed Russian-language encyclopaedia, which was widely read in Poland: A.A. Somov, “Rembrandt van Rein,” in Entsik- lopedicheskii slovar, vol. XXVI (St Petersburg: Brokgauz i Efron, 1899), 552-4.

18 Unless otherwise noted, I use the extensively revised edition of Held’s article, which contains a valuable “Postscript”: see Julius S. Held, “The ‘Polish’ Rider,” in his Rembrandt Studies (Princeton, nj: Princeton University Press, 1991), 59-97 and 194-9. For reasons of comparison, I have also consulted the original: “Rem­brandt’s ‘Polish’ Rider,” Art Bulletin 26, no. 4 (1944), 246-65. Held’s ideas are not fully accepted by A.J. Barnouw, “Rembrandt’s Tribute to Polish Valor,” Polish Re­view 5, no. 18 (1945), 8-9, 16, which assesses the painter’s attention to Poland as a visionary and prophetic “token of gratitude” for Polish help in liberating Holland from the Germans in 1945. Barnouw’s highly charged and enthusiastic specula­tion reflects the exhilaration of victory, not the likely facts.

19 Held, “The ‘Polish’ Rider” (1991), 59-97. On Stefano della Bella, whose sketches of Polish cavalrymen Rembrandt’s rider very much resembles, see Phyllis D. Masser, “Presenting Stefano della Bella,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, new series, 27, no. 3 (1968), 159-76. Boloz-Antoniewicz’s comparison of the two dated from about 1905; see Held, “The ‘Polish’ Rider” (1991), 81, n 95. Held went on to say (82) that the rider’s background - “this landscape, with its powerful fortress on top of a steep and massive mountain” - is “an element quite foreign to Stefano's etchings with their wide plains and low horizon.” For an eastern European, this building, with its broad, almost flat dome, evokes Orthodox churches of the eastern Med­iterranean; it resembles that of the church / mosque of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, minus the minarets added by the Turks. Walicki, “Rembrandt w Polsce,” 343-6, compares it to the ruins of the Temple of Minerva in Rome, which appeared on a print of the later sixteenth century and on Rembrandt's own David Taking Leave of Jonathan (1642) in the Hermitage in St Petersburg.

20 This interpretation remained unchanged in later editions of the work. See, for example, Jacob Rosenberg, Rembrandt: Life and Work, rev. ed. (Ithaca, ny: Cor­nell University Press, 1986), 251-4. Clark, Introduction to Rembrandt, 57-9, also follows Held quite closely, although he sees an anti-classical “rebel” element in the rider's almost emaciated horse and “an almost feminine beauty” in the rider himself. He calls the canvas a “magical work typical of Rembrandt” and “one of the great poems of painting.”

21 See Held, “The ‘Polish' Rider” (1991), especially the “Postscript,” 194-9, which out­lines most of these theories and counters them. For the most widely influential theory, see W.R. Valentiner, “Rembrandt's Conception of Historical Portraiture,” Art Quarterly 11 (Detroit, 1948), 116-35; Colin Campbell, “Rembrandt's ‘Polish Rider' and the Prodigal Son,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 33 (1970), 293-303, and revised as “The Identity of Rembrandt's ‘Polish Rider',” in Otto von Simon and Jan Kelch, eds., Neue Beitrage zur Rembrandt-Forschung (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1973), 126-37; Leonard J. Slatkes, Rembrandt and Persia (New York: Abaris, 1983), 60-92; and Gary Schwartz, Rembrandt: His Life, His Paintings (London: Viking, 1985), 273, 277-8. The St Reinold of Pantaleon theory was proposed in Daniel Wayne Deyell, “The Frick Collection Rider by Rembrandt van Rijn,” MA thesis, University of British Columbia, 1980, to which Held did not respond.

22 Jan BiaIostocki, “Rembrandt's Eques Polonus,” Oud Holland 84 (1969), 163-76. This “Socinian theory” is partly accepted by Pierre Descargues, Rembrandt: Bi- ographie (Paris: Jean-Claude Lattes, 1990), 205-6. For Held's objections, see his “Postscript,” 195-6.

23 ZdzisIaw Zygulski, “Rembrandt's ‘Lisowczyk': A Study of Costume and Weapons,” Bulletin du Musee nationale de Varsovie 6, nos. 2 / 3 (1965), 43-67. Rembrandt's Li­sowczyk is also treated as a real example of Polish military history in BronisIaw Gembarzewski, Polska jej dzieje i kultura, 3 vols. (Warsaw: N.p., [1930s]), II, 53-4, a highly respected work.

24 MieczysIaw Paszkiewicz, “‘Jezdziec polski' Rembrandta,” Biuletyn historii sztuki 31, no. 2 (1969), 216-26.

25 ZdzisIaw Zygulski, “Odpowiedz w kwestii ‘Lisowczyka,'” 31, no. 2 (1969), 227-8. Also see Zygulski, Polska: Bron wodzow i zolnierzy (Cracow: Kluszczynski, 2003?), 54-5.

26 Mykhailo Bryk-Deviatnytsky, “Pro Rembrandta i ioho ‘Polskoho Vershnyka’,” Vilne slovo (Toronto), 6 May 1972. Through the good graces of archivist James Kominowski, I obtained an electronic copy of this rather rare newspaper arti­cle from the Oleksander Baran Collection, vol. “Kozaky,” University of Manitoba Archives, Winnipeg, Manitoba.

27 B.P.J. Broos, “Rembrandt’s Portrait of a Pole on His Horse,” Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterlyfor the History of Art 7, no. 4 (1974), 192-218, particularly 214, which cites an article in Dutch by Mychalj Bryk-Dewjatnyckyj / Mykhailo Bryk-Deviatnytsky, “Morozenko in Frankener,” Ut de smidte 1, part 4 (1969), 10-14, and refers to his work in Ukrainian. Held, “Postscript,” 198, interpreted Broos to have already decided for Szymon Karol.

28 Held, “Nachwort zum ‘Polnischen’ Reiter” (1981), as quoted in Held, “Postscript,” 198, n 13. Broos, “Rembrandt’s Portrait of a Pole on His Horse,” 215, quotes the register of Leyden University for 14 July 1650: “Martianus [Marcyan] Oginski Po- lonus, 19, Pol[itices].”

29 See Chroscicki, “Rembrandt’s ‘Polish Rider,’” 445-7, with a photograph of Bol’s picture. Also, Rembrandt’s rider wears a very light-coloured - indeed, almost white - “joupane” (zhupan), or coat, and the Vytis on the Lithuanian coat of arms is also generally white, as is the mounted St George slaying the dragon, who appears on the Oginski family coat of arms. Aleksander Bruckner, Slownik et- ymologiczny jfzyka polskiego (Cracow: M. Arct, 1927), in his brief article on the “zupan,’ 668, reports two kinds worn by the Polish gentry: a white linen summer version and a winter one, of darker or grey wool. On Lithuanian heraldry, see Edmundas Rimsa, Heraldry: Past to Present, trans. Vijole Arbas (Vilnius: Versus aureus, 2005), especially 58-71, with several antique illustrations of the Vytis.

30 “Oginski (Lith. Oginskis),” in Encyclopedia Lithuanica, 6 vols. (Boston, 1970-78), IV, 109. Since the family was of old “Ruthenian,” or East Slavic origin (even spon­soring publications in the Ruthenian and Slavonic languages), “of the fire” would derive from an East Slavic, not Polish, word for “fire” (cf. the modern Belarusan vahon), although these two cognate words sound very similar to an outside ear. On the Oginskis (Ahinski in modern Belarusan), see Polska encyklopedia szla- checka, vol. IX (Warsaw, 1937), 135-6, with vital statistics on prominent family members, including Marcjan Aleksander.

31 Andrzej Rachuba, “Oginski, Marcjan Aleksander,” in Polski slownik biograficzny, vol. XXIII (Wroclaw, etc., 1978), 618-20, makes no mention of Rembrandt’s Polish Rider, nor does “Rembrandt,” in Wielka Encyklopedia Powszechna pwn, vol. IX (Warsaw, 1967), 769-70.

32 Held, “The ‘Polish’ Rider” (1991), 197, n 11. Also by 1991, Held had dropped a Hun­garian origin for the painting, although he reprinted his earlier observations.

33 Richard Brzezinski, Polish Armies 1596-1696, 2 vols. (London: Osprey, 1987), I, 5; Schama, Rembrandt’s Eyes, 599-603.

34 Schwartz has, however, dropped it in his most recent publication, The Rembrandt Book (2006).

35 Slatkes, Rembrandt and Persia, 60-92.

36 Bernice Davidson et al., Paintings from the Frick Collection (New York: Abrams, 1990), 58-60 (no pagination thanks to a printing error), boasts a beautiful colour reproduction of The Polish Rider with close-up details of the rider and his hand­some face. Some fourteen years later, the Frick reported that the canvas “is not a conventional equestrian portrait, nor does it appear to represent a historical or literary figure, though a number have been proposed. Rembrandt may have meant only to portray an exotic horseman, a popular contemporary theme, or perhaps, intended the painting as a glorification of the latter-day Christian knights who in his time were still defending eastern Europe from the advancing Turks.” See The Frick Collection: Handbook of Paintings (New York: Frick and Scala Publishers, 2004), 126. Such a consensus obviously influenced Sanger, Henry Clay Frick, 72-4, to speculate that the American magnate identified with the rider as a Christian knight, since he himself was a Masonic knight of the three highest orders of the York Rite - but Held first enunciated his Miles Christianus theory in 1944 and Frick died in 1919. As mentioned above, in Frick's time the rider was associated much more with the struggle for Polish independence than with Christendom as a whole.

37 It was even carried by President Leonyd Kuchma, who served 1994-2005. The word kuchma now also means “a bushy head of hair.” Max Vasmer / Maks Fas- mer, in his Etimologicheskii slovar russkogo iazyka, 4 vols. (Moscow, 1964-73), II, 438, informs us that it also entered Russian from Ukrainian, which had received it through the Polish kuczma from the Hungarian kucsma. As for zhupan, Met­ropolitan Ilarion, Etymolohichno-semantychnyi slovnyk ukrainskoi movy, 4 vols. (Winnipeg, 1979-94), II, 51, reports that it entered Ukrainian from the Polish zupan, which came from the Italian giubhone or giupone, a certain kind of jacket. Bruckner, Stownik etymologiczny jfzyka polskiego, 279 and 668, gives the same etymologies. Bruckner's etymologies, if accurate, challenge Zygulski's theory that such apparel came to Poland from the east and not from Italy, or, more signifi­cantly, Hungary. Yet Bruckner (49) also proffers that the word for the horsetail standard, “bunczuk,” of Turkish origin, reached Polish from Ukrainian “od Matej Rusi do nas”

38 Andrew Gregorovich, “Rembrandt's Painting: ‘Cossack Rider',” Forum: A Ukrainian Review, no. 114 (fall / winter, 2007), 5-10. The legend of Mazepa's “ride” across the steppes, tied naked to the back of a wild horse by a cuckolded husband, dates from somewhat later. On Mazepa generally, see Clarence A. Manning, Hetman of Ukraine: Ivan Mazeppa (New York: Bookman Associates, 1957), especially 39-43, and Hubert F. Babinski, The Mazepa Legend in European Romanticism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974). On Mazepa's stay in Holland, The­odore Mackiw, “Mazepa's Love Affair and Its Veracity,” Ukrainian Quarterly 44, nos. 1-2 (1988), 100-7, states that he spent one year (1657-58) studying in Deventer. He quotes F.J.G. Ten Raa and F. De Bas, eds., Het Staatsche Leger, 1568-1795 (Breda, 1913), VII, 238: “Johannes Koledynski, latere Hetman Mazeppa, was een jaar in Nederland bij Geschutfabriek Willem Wegewaad in Deventer.” For an introduc­tion to Mazepa's portrayals in art, but not in The Polish Rider, see John P. Pauls, “[A] Great Maecenas of the Arts Glorified by Painters,” Ukrainian Review 13, no. 4 (London, 1966), 17-32.

39 J. Bruyn, review of W. Sumowski, Gemalde der Rembrandt-Schuler, 5 vols. (Lan­dau, 1983-90), in Oud Holland 98 (1984), 146-62, especially 158. Bruyn phrased his suggestion very carefully: “In the field of Drost research much remains to be done. This applies to the portraits... as well as to the history pieces. A further examination of the field reveals that a number of paintings still accepted as Rem­brandts cannot be forgotten: ‘A Man Seated with a Stick' in London (National Gallery, no. 51) which has already been questioned by MacLaren, and the so-called ‘Polish Rider' in the Frick Collection, which shows at least [some] affinities with Drost's early work which was strongly influenced by Rembrandt” (original Dutch:... of de z. g Poolse ruiter in de Frick Collection die op zijn minst treffende verwant schappen vertoont met Drosts vroege, Rembrandtieke werk) (translated with the help of Alta Vista Babel Fish translation service online).

40 Zdzisiaw Zygulski, “Further Battles for the Lisowczyk (Polish Rider) by Rem­brandt,” Artibus et Historiae 21, no. 41 (2000), 197-205, especially 203. Zygulski seems never to have doubted Rembrandt's hand. By contrast, Viktor Vlasov, “Pol- skii vsadnik,” in Novii entsiklopedicheskii slovar izobrazitelnogo iskusstva, VII (St Petersburg, 2007), 576-7, referred to The Polish Rider as “a conventionally named picture which had been earlier ascribed to Rembrandt” and reproduced it but with a question mark after Rembrandt's name.

41 See Bailey, Responses to Rembrandt, 123, n 3, for the limerick, and 94 for Held's remark about “the Amsterdam mafia.” On these issues more generally, see Donald Sassoon, “The Neverending Project,” Muse 9, no. 3 (1 March 2005), 8, at eLibrary. Web, 1 October 2010.

42 Connor reproduced the painting (68 in x 64 in) from his personal collection on his website at www.russellconnor.com/gallery_7.html, 19 August 2010.

43 For the declaration, see Bailey, Responses to Rembrandt, 115-16.

44 Ernst van de Wetering, Rembrandt: The Painter at Work (Amsterdam: Amster­dam University Press, 1997), 207-11, with a portrait of the rider. The New York newspapers noticed van de Wetering's opinion; see, for example, Carol Vogel, “Rembrandt at Frick Passes,” New York Times, 14 October 1997.

45 Jonathan Bikker, Willem Drost (1633-1659): A Rembrandt Pupil in Amsterdam and Venice (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2005), sec. R16, with a portrait of the rider.

46 Hughes, “The God of Realism,” 10.

CHAPTER NINE

1 There are a number of photographs of these very real Ukrainian soldiers on the internet, for example: “Writing a Reply,” 14 August 2015, at http://imgur.com/ gallery/Ca0jH. Unsurprisingly, given the enormous Russian disinformation campaigns since about 2008, Vassily Nesterenko (b. 1967), a Russian painter of Ukrainian origin, but patronized by the Kremlin, executed his own version of Repin's Zaporozhian Cossacks - much more useful for propaganda purposes - titled A Letter to Russia’s Enemies. As early as 1993, Nesterenko had been associat­ed with a “New Wave of Russian Realism” and had a one-man show in the House of the Government of the Russian Federation (August 1993), and he had another in the Kremlin the next year. For his Russian version of the painting, and its asso­ciation with an extreme Russian nationalist organization, see Neil MacFarquhar, “Patriotic Youth Army Takes Russian Kids Back to the Future,” New York Times, 22 March 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/22/world/europe/russia-soviet- youth-army.html.

2 Stalin's attitude towards Repin's Zaporozhian Cossacks mixed amusement at the content of the Cossacks' letter (his daughter later testified that he knew much of it off by heart and loved to quote it to visitors) with awareness of the artist's histor­ical importance; see my article “A Painter from Ukraine: Ilya Repin,” Canadian Slavonic Papers 55, nos. 1-2 (2013), 19-43. Illustrated version online at https://www.academia.edu/23138602/A_Painter_from_Ukraine_Ilya_Repin, 1 January 2020.

3 For an introduction to Repin's life and work, with special attention to Ukrainian affairs, see ibid., which contains full bibliographical information. A more general treatment in English is F. Parker and S.J. Parker, Russia on Canvas: Ilya Repin (University Park and London: Pennsylvania University Press, 1980), which reflects an older, pro-Soviet approach. Also see Elizabeth Kridl Valkenier, Ilya Repin and the World of Russian Art (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), which, although it missed many important Ukrainian points, was the first critical non-Soviet account, and David Jackson, The Russian Vision: The Art of Ilya Repin (Schoten, Belgium: bai, 2006), which includes information (previously suppressed) on Repin's portraits of Tsar Nicholas II, but, seemingly under a lingering pro-Soviet influence, pretty much ignores Ukrainian themes. In Ukrainian, there are three relevant studies. Two appeared during Soviet ideological thaws: Khrushchev-Shelest and just before the end: Iu. Bielichko / Iu. Belichko, Ukraina v tvorchosti I. Iu. Repina (Kyiv: Mystetstvo, 1963), handsomely illustrated, but mostly in two-tone, and the brief essay in Dmytro Stepovyk, Skarby Ukrainy (Kyiv: Veselka, 1991), 121-6. The third emerged just after the fall of the Soviet Union: Belichko, “Tvorchist Illi Riepina v konteksti ukrainskoi khudozhnoi kultury druhoi polovyny XIX - pochatku XX stolit,” Narodna tvorchist ta etnohrafiia, no. 4 (1994), 3-12.

4 An extensive article with a good map is V. Kubiiovych and O. Ohloblyn, “Slobid- ska Ukraina,” in Volodymyr Kubijovyb and Danylo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclope­dia of Ukraine, 5 vols. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984-93), IV, 753-6.

5 There is a very brief, unsigned article, “Kramskoi,” in Volodymyr Kubijovyci and Danylo Husar Struk, eds., Encyclopedia of Ukraine, vol. II (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988), 657. Following the official Soviet line, this article describes him simply as a “Russian realist painter.” This subject requires further investiga­tion.

6 D. Snowyd / Dmytro Dontsov, Spirit of Ukraine (New York: United Ukrainian Organization of the United States, 1935), 102-3. Compare Kevin M.F. Platt, “On Blood, Scandal, Renunciation, and Russian History: Il'ia Repin's Ivan the Terrible and his Son, Ivan,” in Marcus C. Levitt and Tatyana Novikov, eds., Times of Trou­ble: Violence in Russian Literature and Culture (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2007), 112-22.

7 Even in “What Freedom” the waves are not clear blue but rather a sickly yellow. This caused some controversy when the painting was first exhibited, many ob­servers seeing Russia's difficult political and social situation in that yellow. The art critic Vladimir Stasov, however, thought that the painting did represent some hope for the country's youth. See the reproduction and commentary in Seppo Mi- ettinen et al., Ilya Repin: Painting and Graphic Artfrom the Collection of the State Russian Museum (St Petersburg: Palace Editions, n.d., c. 2005), 80-1, plate 48, and commentary on 112. Also, Repin's historical canvases dealing with St Petersburg or its founder, Peter the Great, lack the finish of his Ukrainian pictures. One fin­ished painting, however, was his Tsar Ivan V and Tsar Peter Initiating Young Fal­coners into the Toy Guards (1900, Russian Museum, St Petersburg, hereafter rm); see ibid., 94, plate 60. Repin's attempts at painting Peter were never reproduced in the USSR and even today are seldom printed or reproduced online. (For a rare ex­ception, see Peter the Great on the Hunt at https://www.wikiart.org/en/ilya-repin/ peter-the-great-on-the-hunt, last modified 16 June 2011.) Similarly, his sketches of Nicholas II were never reproduced in the ussr, and only today are they being recognized for their beauty and accuracy in portraying that modest but ineffectu­al prince; three sketches are at http://www.ilyarepin.org/sitemap-7.html, 4 April 2017, or see Miettinen et al., Ilya Repin, 76, 77, plates 44 and 45, which are excellent reproductions of Repin's Wedding of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna (1894, rm) and Portrait of Emperor Nicholas II (1895, rm).

8 There is a considerable scholarly literature on Zaporozhian Cossacks in Russian, much of it rather technical, on its “painterly” aspects. See, for example, A. Davydova, “K istorii sozdannia kartiny Repina ‘Zaporozhtsy,'” Iskusstvo 5 (1955), 36-42; N. Zograf, “Kartina I.E. Repina ‘Zaporozhtsy',” ibid., 11 (1959), 56-66; A.S. Davydova, Zaporozhtsy: Kartina Repina (Moscow, 1962); and I.A. Brodskii, “Zaporozhtsy pishut pismo turetskomu sultanu 1878-1891,” in V.M. Lobanov, ed., Zamechatelnye polotna (Leningrad: Khudozhnuk rsfsr, 1966), 271-80. The literature in Ukrainian is much thinner, but very valuable for our purposes. See Bielichko, Ukraina v tvorchosti Riepina, passim, and Stepovyk, Skarby Ukrainy, 121-6.

9 See the brief discussion of these historians in Victor A. Friedman, “The Zapor- ozhian Letter to the Turkish Sultan: Historical Commentary and Linguistic Analysis,” Slavica Hierosolymitana 2 (Jerusalem, 1978), 25-37. Also see the uncen­sored, post-Soviet Ukrainian-language edition of Holybutsky’s history: Zapor- ozhke kozatstvo (Kyiv: Vyshcha shkola, 1994), 442-3. (The earlier, Soviet version had been published in Russian.) As well, see Dmytro Yavornytsky, Ivan Dmy- trovych Sirko: Slavnyi koshovyi otaman viiska zaporozkykh nyzovykh kozakiv, in Yavornytsky, Ivan Sirko: Zbirnyk (Kyiv: Veselka, 1992), 75-6.

A personal anecdote is relevant here. In the 1970s, Andrew Gregorovich, the editor of the Toronto-based non-political cultural magazine Forum: A Ukrainian Review, told me of his trip to Soviet Ukraine less than a decade earlier, during the “Shelest Renaissance.” Wanting to establish contact with Ukrainian historians and obtain materials on Ukrainian history for his illustrated magazine, he visited the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences Institute of History in Kyiv and there met Holobutsky and some other historians, who greeted him warmly. But to speak freely about their mutual interests, Holobutsky and some of the others spirited him away to a private room deep in the building, where they were not watched, and where there were no microphones. Gregorovich spoke to me respectfully of Holobutsky, who in the West was generally seen as simply repeating the party line on Ukrainian historical questions.

10 Daniel Clarke Waugh, “On the Origins of the ‘Correspondence’ between the Sultan and the Cossacks,” Recenzija: A Review of Soviet Ukrainian Scholarly Publications 1, no. 2 (1971), 3-46. Also see his The Great Turkes Defiance: On the History of the Apocryphal Correspondence of the Ottoman Sultan in Its Muscovite and Russian Variants (Columbus, Ohio: Slavica, 1978), and H.A. Nudha’s long essay on the Cossack letter in his Na literaturnykh shliakhakh (Kyiv: Dnipro, 1990), 260-348. The latter two works are both profusely illustrated.

11 See the numerous title pages of the various European editions of the Cossack Let­ter printed as illustrations in both Waugh, The Great Turkes Defiance, and also Nudha, Na literaturnykh shliakhakh.

12 Gerhard Bowering, ed., Princeton Encyclopedia of Islamic Thought (Princeton, nj, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2013), 274; Frederic Baumgartner, De­claring War in Early Modern Europe (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 18-19, and n 20. Baumgartner cites the Koranic injunction: “We do not punish until we have sent a messenger (XVII, 15).” On Mehmed the Conqueror, see Steven Runci­man, The Fall of Constantinople, 1453 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 95-6. Many Western historians treat the Letters of Mohammed to Her- aclius and his contemporaries with caution. For example, Hugh Kennedy, The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 2007), 74, notes the great respect the first Muslims had for the Emperor Heraclius, “modest and pious,” but says little on the authenticity of the Prophet's letters. Authentic or not, the legend was accepted as fact in Islamic tradition and taken as a serious precedent, right to 1683 and after. In fact, in 1998, Osama bin Laden sent a parallel “Declaration of the World Islamic Front against the Jews and Crusaders” to a major Arabic newspaper in London, which was generally ignored by Westerners, but picked up by the Middle East scholar Bernard Lewis, who immediately saw its significance. Ihe letter was shortly followed by the 9 / 11 airplane attacks on New York and Washington. See Bernard Lewis, Notes on a Century: Reflections of a Middle East Historian (New York: Penguin, 2013), 258-62.

13 Bernard G. Guerney, The Portable Russian Reader (New York: Viking, 1947); reprinted in 1959 and again in 1961; see 615-16. On other Cold War editions and English translations, see Andrew Gregorovich, “The Cossack Letter: The Most Defiant Letter!,” 1999, at http://www.infoukes.com/history/cossack_letter/.

14 Friedman, “The Zaporozhian Letter.” I have slightly smoothed out the language and punctuation of Friedman's translation.

15 Yavornytsky, Iv an Sirko, 75-6.

16 In Ukrainian historiography, the classic telling of this story is that in Dmytro Doroshenko, A Survey of Ukrainian History, 2nd ed. (Winnipeg: Trident Pub­lishers, 1975), 283-308, where that historian describes the attempt of his distant relative Hetman Petro Doroshenko (1627-1698) to use Ottoman power to create an autonomous but united Ukrainian Cossack “state,” independent of both the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Tsardom of Muscovy, especially in the face of the 1667 agreement between those two powers to divide the country between themselves.

17 On Repin and Kostomarov, see Repin's memoirs, Dalekoe blizkoe (Leningrad: Khudozhnik rsfsr, 1982), 364, which are filled with “ukrainianisms”; Bielic- hko, Ukraina v tvorchosti Riepina, 37, and my Mykola Kostomarov: A Biography (Toronto and Buffalo, 1996), especially 237 n 67.

18 Both The Hetman and SV. Tarnovska are reproduced in colour in I. Zilbershtein, “Repin v Kachanovke,” Ogonek 5 (1953), 16-17.

19 The most detailed description of Repin's 1880 tour of Ukraine is the Ukrainian- language article by Iu.V. Belichko, “Istoryko-etnohrafichne Znachennia podorozhi I. Iu. Repina na Ukrainu 1880 roku,” Narodna tvorchist ta etnohrafiia 4 (1988): 28-37, which, of course, appeared only under the Gorbachev reforms. Note that in his article Belichko has dropped the Russian transliterations into Ukrainian of his own and Repin's surnames, which had always appeared in his Soviet-era publications. Now free to do so, he used standard Ukrainian orthography for Ukrainian names. There is a brief summary of Repin's trip in O.A. Liaskovskaia, Ilia Efimovich Repin, 3^rd ed. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1982), 291ff.

20 See the discussion in Bielichko, “Tvorchist Illi Riepina,” 10, which quotes from Kostomarov’s autobiography: Mykola I. Kostomarov, “Avobiografiia N.I. Kosto­marova, Zapisannaia N.A. Bilozerskoi,” Russkaia mysl’ 5 (1885): 185-223; 6 (1885): 20-43. For more detail on the historian’s method, see my “Mykola Kostomarov and East Slavic Ethnography in the Nineteenth Century,” Russian History 18, no. 2 (Salt Lake City, 1991), 163-86.

21 Ilya Repin, Izbrannyepisma, I, 240.

22 Vera Repina, “Iz detskikh vospominanii...,” Niva 29 (1914). 572, quoted in O.A.

Liaskovskaia, Ilia Efimovich Repin, 2nd ed. (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1962), 214.

23 Yavornytsky’s outline history of the Zaporozhians was titled Ocherki po isto- rii zaporozhkikh kozakov i novorossiiskogo kraia (1889) and is a bibliographical rarity that I have not seen. On Repin and Yavornytsky, see the latter’s memoir: Yavornytsky, “Kak sozdavalas kartina ‘Zaporozhtsy’,” ed. I.S. Zilbershtein, in Khudozhestvennoe nasledstvo: Repin, 2 vols. (Moscow: an sssr 1949), II, 57-105; M.M. Shubravska, D.I. Yavornytskyi: Zhyttia folklorystychno-etnohrafichna diial- nist (Kyiv: Naukova dumka, 1972), 31-3; and also Shubravska, “Istoryk i mytets,” Vitchyzna, no. 9 (1968), 195-202. Ihe last contains a photograph of Repin with an inscription dedicated to Yavornytsky dated 1898. On Yavornytsky more general­ly, see my “Dmytro Yavornytsky and the Romance of Cossack History,” Forum: A Ukrainian Review 82 (Scranton, Penn., 1990), 17-23.

24 Yavornytsky, “Kak sozdavalas,” 83.

25 Repin, Izbrannyepisma, I, 359.

26 On “separatism,” see I.E. Repin, letter of 10 January 1892 to Tatiana Tolstaia, in Perepiska s L.N. Tolstoym i ego semei, vol. I (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1949), 46. On Katkov, see Kridl Valkenier, Ilya Repin, 85, and Jackson, The Russian Vision, 196-7.

27 Yavornytsky, “Kak sozdavalas,” 74-6; Brodskii, “Zaporozhtsy pishut pismo turets- komu sultanu 1878-1891,” 278. Zilbershtein, in his Introduction to Yavornytsky’s memoir, “Kak sozdavalas,” 58, remarks that Repin intended later to add a section on the composition of the Zaporozhians to his memoirs, Dalekoe blizkoe, but that the outbreak of the First World War prevented it. This conflict proved a great loss for art historians and for Ukrainian and Russian culture generally. On Rubets, see Ivan Lysenko, Entsyklopediia ukrainskoipisni (Zhytomyr: Ruta, 2017), 98 and 276.

28 Dmitrii Gromov, “Korrespondent: Veselye Zaporozhtsy. Istoriia sozdaniia kartiny. Zaporozhtsy pishut pismo turetskomu sultanu” at http://korrespondent. net/showbiz/1422142-korrespondent-veselye-zaporozhcy-historiya, 13 December

2016. Gromov gives a clear summary of Yavornytsky’s story. For the original, see Yavornytsky, “Kak sozdovalas,” 77.

29 Bielichko, Ukraina v tvorchosti Riepina, 75-7. David Jackson, The Wanderers and Critical Realism in Nineteenth-Century Russian Painting: Critical Perspectives in Art History (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), 114-15, calls the Zaporozhian Cossacks “a popular and critical triumph for Repin” and “his greatest success, critically and commercially,” but (astoundingly) he ignores the Ukrainian angle. Bielichko, “Tvorchist Illi Riepina,” 7, suggests that Repin could have finished the painting much earlier, but he did not wish to compete with his mentor and friend, Kramskoi, who was working on a major painting of his own. In fact, Repin finished the canvas only after Kramskoi’s death in 1887.

30 On the general reaction in Russia and Ukraine, see Bielichko, Ukraina v tvorchosti Riepina, 75-7. Also see Stepovyk, Skarby Ukrainy, 125-6.

31 A. Benua / Alexandre Benois, Istoriia russkoi zhivopisi v XIX veke (Moscow: Respublika, 1995), 264-78. This work was first published in 1902-3. In later life, Benua remembered Repin much more kindly and actually gave him credit for opening his eyes to modern art. See Alexander Benois, Memoirs, trans. M. Budberg (London: Chatto and Windus, 1960), 109-11.

32 Kornei Chukovsky, “Repin i Benua,” Rech (St Petersburg), 2 (15) April 1910. Also available online at http://www.chukfamily.ru/Kornei/Prosa/benua.htm, 8 August

2017. Also see K. Chukovsky, Ilya Repin (Moscow: Iskusstvo, 1969), 150 pp., 63 plates.

33 The ukrainophile Lemberg / Lviv journal Zoria for 1892 included three notes on the painting, in no. 1, 18-19 and 59-60, and no. 4, 217 (this last by “Artist” discussed in the text). During this period, writers in the Russian Empire who wished to publish in the Ukrainian language often sent their works to Austrian Galicia, where they were published uncensored and were much appreciated. This was true of some of the most popular writers, such as Ivan Nechui-Levytsky, Mykhailo Starytsky, Ahatanhel Krymsky, and even the young Mykhailo Hrushevsky. See my Mykhailo Hrushevsky: The Politics of National Culture (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), chap. 3: “Galician Piedmont 1897-1905,” 45-69.

34 Bielichko, Ukraina v tvorchosti Riepina, 77; Stepovyk, Skarby Ukrainy, 125-6. Also see Davydova, Zaporozhtsy, 27-9, which mentions Tereshchenko’s interest in this version.

35 Stepovyk, Skarby Ukrainy, 125-6, summarizes Bielichko’s opinion and also adds his own. Also see Gromov, “Correspondent: Veselye Zaporozhtsy ”; the author queried several Ukrainian museum curators as to their opinions on the matter.

36 Shubravska, “Istoryk i mytets.”

37 Yevhen Chykalenko, Spohady (1861-1907) (New York: uvan, 1955), 191-2. There is a long extract from Repin’s response to Chykalenko in Bielichko, Ukraina v tvost- chosti Riepina, 4, 81. Also see the discussion in my essay “A Painter from Ukraine: Ilya Repin.”

38 I have discussed these points more fully in my “A Painter from Ukraine: Ilya Repin.”

39 Isabel F. Hapgood, “A Russian National Artist: With Pictures by Ilya Repin,” Cen­tury Magazine 45, no. 1 (1892), 3-12, and Russian Rambles (Boston and New York: Houghton, Mifflin, and Company, 1895).

40 Christian Brinton, “Russia’s Greatest Painter: Ilia Repin,” Scribner’s Magazine 40, no. 5 (Nov. 1906), 513-23; Louis E. Lord, “A Russian Painter of the Nineteenth Century, Elyas Repin,” Art Bulletin 2, no. 4 (1920), 213-18.

41 See Guillaume Apollinaire, Alcools: Poems 1898-1913, trans. William Meredith (Garden City, ny: Doubleday, 1964), 24-8 (for both text and translation). In his edition of Alcools (London: Athlone Press, 1975), 133, Garnet Rees writes that the jilted poet's “Rabelaisian” tone in this section reflects his anger at his former lover, Annie: “The plea for fidelity put into the mouth of the Cosaques represents the voice of the poet venting his rage on Annie by proxy.” On Apollinaire more gener­ally, see Scott Bates, Guillaume Apollinaire, rev. ed. (Boston: Twayne, 1989), which describes his character as a combination of “a Slavic with a Latin personality” (1). More briefly, see Jennifer Birkett and James Kearns, A Guide to French Literature from Early Modern to Postmodern (London: Macmillan, 1997), 239-42. There is an illustration of his family coat of arms in Wikipedia.

42 Clement Greenberg, “Avant-Garde and Kitsch,” in Sally Everett, ed., Art Theo­ry and Criticism: An Anthology of Formalist Avant-Garde, Contextualist and Post-Modernist Thought, (Jefferson, nc, and London: McFarland, 1991), 26-49, especially 34-5. This article was first published in the Partisan Review (New York, 1939). In later years, Greenberg turned more to the right, eventually editing the much more conservative Jewish magazine Commentary.

43 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books,1978). For rebuttals de­fending the Orientalist traditions in Europe, see especially the remarks of Said's special target, Bernard Lewis, “The Question of Orientalism,” New York Review of Books (24 June 1982), 49-52, and Lewis's observations in his brief essay “On Occidentalism and Orientalism,” in his From Babel to Dragomans: Interpreting the Middle East (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 430-8. For a much more detailed critique of Said, see Ibn Warraq, Defending the West (New York: Pro­metheus, 2007), 556 pp.

44 On Vereshchagin, see Vahan D. Barooshian, VV Vereshchagin: Artist at War (Or­lando: University Press of Florida, 1993), which notes (xv) that Repin admired Vereshchagin greatly and even called him “a real Hercules” and “a genius.”

45 On the kobza, the Ukrainian philologist Metropolitan Ilarion / Ivan Ohienko writes: “[The Kobza] is an eight stringed musical instrument, smaller than a ban­dura [which became more popular in the twentieth century]; it is derived from the Turkish korpuz whence it was accepted into Ukrainian and Bulgarian” culture. It “was known as early as the time of the Polovtsi [twelfth century] and [also] was known to the Crimean Tatars, and, certainly, the Cossacks got it from them. At one time, it was a single stringed instrument, but the number of strings grew later on, that is, in the sixteenth century. Whosoever plays a kobza is called a kobzar” See Metropolitan Ilarion / Ivan Ohienko, Etymolohichnosemantychnyi slovnyk ukrainskoi movy, 4 vols. (Winnipeg: Tovarystvo ‘Volyn,' 1988-94), II, 234. On sharo- vary, see IV, 504, which observes of sharovary that “they were wide pants reaching down to high boots. [The word] comes from Persian, through the Turkish shalvar. [It] was also used in ancient Hebrew (see Dan. 3: 21) ‘sarbalin,’ Greek ‘sarabara.’”

46 Kristian Davies, The Orientalists: Western Artists in Arabia, the Sahara, Persia & India (New York: Laynfaroh, 2005). The book reproduced the St Petersburg ver­sion of Zaporozhian Cossacks in full colour.

47 See Repin, Izbrannye pisma, II, 141, on his 1898 trip to the Holy Land, especially Jerusalem, which he thought so interesting that he could barely write about or paint it. Also see Kridl Valkenier, Ilya Repin, 8, on Repin in Jerusalem; and on Yavornytsky in the Middle East, see the latter pages of chapter 2 in the present volume.

48 See the brief discussion in Andrew Wilson, The Ukrainians: Unexpected Nation, 4th ed. (New Haven, Conn., and London: Yale University Press, 2015), 143-4. Wilson, or perhaps one of his unmentioned editors, seems to have confused the painter O.A. Khmelnytsky (b. 1924) with the Soviet Ukrainian painter Mykhailo Khmelko (1919-1996), who also painted a large canvas on the Treaty of Pereiaslav - Forever with Moscow, Forever with the Russian People! (c. 1951) - less stylized and a bit more cheerful than Khmelnytsky’s. But the dour picture printed in Wilson's book (plate 36) is O.A. Khmelnytsky’s, reproduced in 1954 on a Soviet postage stamp. For a brief discussion of these pictures, see Istoriia ukrainskoi mystetsva v 6 tomakh, vol. VI (Kyiv: ure, 1968), 122-3, with a reproduction of Khmelko’s true painting. It is also available online in “Mykhailo Khmelko” on Wikipedia, 9 April 2018, and, together with the masterpieces of Repin and Ivasiuk, in the impressive­ly produced Polish translation of Paul Robert Magocsi’s magnum opus, Historia Ukrainy: Ziemia i ludzie, trans. Marek Krol and Alicja Waligora-Zblewska (Cra­cow: Ksi^garnia akademicka, 2017), plates 4.4, 4.5, and 4.7.

Mykola Ivasiuk considered his painting, today much loved by Ukrainians, a continuation and fulfilment of Repin’s. He had begun it shortly after Repin com­pleted his, and, like Repin, he spent many years working on it, finishing it in 1932. Sadly, he was executed by the Soviet political police in the Great Purge of 1937. By contrast, the two-time Stalin Prize winner, Khmelko, who, like the less talented O.A. Khmelnytsky, was a paragon of official Socialist Realism, taught for many years at the Kyiv State Art Institute, and died peacefully in his bed in 1996.

49 For a moderate interpretation of Repin, acknowledging both the Ukrainian and the “pan-Russian” aspects of his work, see Myroslav Popovych, Narys istorii kultury Ukrainy (Kyiv: ArtEk, 1999), 462-7. Compare Valentine Marcade, Lart d’Ukraine (Lausanne: L’age d’homme, 1990), 151-63.

50 “Pro stari chasy na Ukraini, iliustrovana istoriiia Ukrainy ne Hrushevskoho i ne Arkasa,” reproduced in Svitlana Pankova and Hanna Kondaura, eds., Facie ad Faciem: Iliustrovanyi zhyttiepys Mykhaila Hrushevskoho (Kyiv: Lybid, 2017), 60.

51 Cited in the Russian version of Wikipedia in “Zaporozhtsy (Kartina),” 13 Decem­ber 2016.

52 See “Modern Zaporozhians Write a Letter to the League of Nations,” Komar 2, no. 19 (1934); as cited and reprinted on the cover of Andrzej A. Zi⅞ba, Lobbying dla Ukrainy w Europie mifdzywojennej: Ukrainskie Biuro Prasowe w Londynie oraz jego konkurenci polityczni (do roku 1932) (Cracow: Ksiqgarnia akademicka, 2010). Also on Kysilewskyj and the Ukrainian Bureau, itself an interesting experiment in West-Ukrainian contacts, see Orest Martynowych, “A Ukrainian Canadian in London: Vladimir J. (Kaye) Kysilewsky and the Ukrainian Bureau, 1931-1940,” Canadian Ethnic Studies 47, nos. 4-5 (2015), 263-88; alternately numbered 42, nos. 2-3 (2015), my illustrated biographical article “Vladimir Kaye- Kysilewskyj in Europe, Canada, and Britain,” online at https://www.slideshare. net/ThomasMPrymak/vladimir-kayekysilewskyj-in-europe-canada-and- britain?qid=6c482451-a9a1-4ba2-ad8a-87b3a4d656d3, 20 June 2019, and more briefly my Maple Leaf and Trident: The Ukrainian Canadians during the Second World War (Toronto: mhso, 1988), 23-4 etpassim.