Salonika was not the worst place to be interned.1
A large and bustling port, it was one of the most important commercial centers of the Ottoman Empire. It had a varied population of Greeks, Turks and Jews. But, most important for Orlyk, who enjoyed good company and conversation, there was also a sizable European colony comprised mostly of French and English merchants and their respective consuls.
Moreover, the city had a Catholic church run by French Jesuits. The commercial and cosmopolitan nature of the town was a blessing to the Hetman for several reasons. Not only was he spared the exclusive company of Muslims, but here he also had access to the latest political information about developments both within the Ottoman Empire and in Europe. Thanks to the fact that Salonika lay on the route which many Greek merchants and Orthodox clergymen took in traveling to and from Ukraine and Russia,2 Orlyk was able to keep more or less abreast of the developments among the Zaporozhians and in Ukraine.These considerations, however, did not obviate the glaring fact that the Hetman was completely at the mercy of the Porte. This was a situation which Orlyk had always tried to avoid. Therefore, from the moment he arrived in Salonika, his primary goal was to free himself from the Ottoman’s enforced hospitality.
For years the Hetman had protested to the Porte about his detention, but to no avail.3 However, in 1725, two events occurred that augured well for the Hetman. On 28 January, Peter I died. With the unforgiving Tsar’s death, Orlyk’s hopes of reaching an understanding with the Russian court were revived. This optimism was reinforced by the fact that Karl Friedrich, the Duke of Holstein, a favorite of Catherine I, knew and sympathized with the Hetman.4 It seemed to Orlyk that, with such support, not only would he receive a pardon, but its terms would be favorable. For the next few years, the Hetman worked on the assumption that an understanding with the Russians offered the best chances of resolving his predicament.
But, another event in 1725 complicated this policy. In September of that year, Louis XV of France married Marie Leszczynska, daughter of the Polish king-in-exile. Immediately, the chances that the half-forgotten Stanislaw Leszczynski might regain his crown rose perceptibly. And during 1726, when European powers again polarized into two distinct camps, these chances improved even more greatly. On the one hand, Austria and Russia concluded an alliance while on the other hand, France, England, Prussia, Denmark, Holland and later, Sweden prepared to establish the Hannover League. The position of Poland was crucial in this diplomatic configuration. If August II joined Russia and Austria, as it seemed likely he would, their alliance would become even more powerful. However, if Stanislaw were to be re-elected to the Polish throne to succeed the ailing August II, then Poland could be counted on to favor the Hannover League.5
What effect could these diplomatic maneuvers have on the lonely exile in far-off Salonika? Stanislaw knew quite well that his candidacy would be opposed by Russia. He also realized that while the Hannover League, especially France, would be willing to lend him diplomatic support, it would be most reluctant to commit its troops to distant Poland to fight for his election. Therefore, Lesz- czynski had to (a) mobilize military support elsewhere and (b) convince his European supporters that, with the aid of this military support, his candidacy was a realistic one. In looking for potential sources of military support, Stanislaw turned to his former allies of the Bender period.