The Manorial Estate
The evolution of the manorial estate (latifundium) was directly related to the rise of neo-serfdom in Poland. On the estates of magnates and gentry, and sometimes on royal and church lands, the large manorial farm known in Ukrainian as the fil'varok (from the Polish folwark} was organized.
The goal in setting up the fil'varok was to make the most efficient use of serf labor for the maximum production of grain. By the second half of the sixteenth century, the average size of a fil'varok was 148 acres (60 hectares), and on it lived the landowner and his family, the landowner’s personnel, and between fifteen and twenty serf families.The fil'varok itself was generally divided into three parts: (1) the demesne fields, or the lands belonging to the landlord, consolidated through the acquisition of smaller peasant holdings; (2) the lands belonging to the soitys, a village administrator of the landlord; and (3) strip holdings belonging to individual serfs. Generally, the village was in the center of the fil'varok, where the landlord’s manor house, the residence of the sotfys, peasant dwellings, and the tavern were located. Near the village center was a common pasture; surrounding it were the demesne fields; and beyond them were the lands belonging to the soltys and the serfs’ strip holdings.
In return for their labor (corvee), serfs and their descendants had the security of possessing some lands or, as it were, of eventually belonging to them. As long as the conditions of serfdom w'crc tolerable, such ‘attachment’ to the land seemed an improvement on a cash economy in which a serf could become bankrupt during bad economic times and be evicted from land and home.
The amount of labor owed by a serf was related to the size of his or her land allotment. Whereas on royal estates there was a uniform system of labor obligations, on magnate- and gentry-owned estates (which by the late sixteenth century accounted for 78 percent of holdings in Ukraine) the number of unpaid work days w'as determined by the landlord or his estate administrators.
The amount of corvee required of serfs therefore varied greatly. For instance, at the end of the sixteenth century, the number of unpaid labor days for serfs who had a typical allotment of land varied from 3 to 6 days per week for one or more members of a household. On magnate estates in Volhynia during the 1620s, however, the requirement was 4 to 6 days and, in some places, even 7 work days per week for a standard unit of land. In a typical serf household, the husband and older sons spent most of their time fulfilling the corvee requirement of the landlord, and the wife and younger children worked the small strips allotted to them in what was at best subsistence-level agriculture, that is, the raising of just enough food to support the family.As long as Poland’s grain trade was growing, the fil'varok manorial estate system played a positive role, in increasing the landlord’s wealth and providing indirectly for the minimal well-being of peasant serfs. But with the leveling- off and eventually the decline of the grain trade in the second half of the seventeenth century, landowners tried to make up their losses by increasing the number of serf work days and by expanding the manorial estate system into Poland’s recently acquired Ukrainian lands in the east.
century, there was a density of approximately 36 inhabitants per square mile (14 inhabitants per square kilometer) in the more western regions of Poland, including Ukrainian-inhabited Galicia, Belz, and western Podolia, whereas farther east, in the palatinates of Volhynia, Kiev, and Bratslav, the density was as low as 8 persons per square mile (3 persons per square kilometer). Thus, whereas by the end of the sixteenth century serfdom had become widespread in the more densely inhabited western Ukrainian lands, farther east, where large manorial estates (latifundia) were being formed, the peasants had not yet been enserfed, although they were being subjected to an increasing number of duties.
The situation in eastern Ukraine generally evolved in the following manner.
Large magnates, whether of Rus' (Ukrainian) or Polish origin, managed to obtain from the king grants of huge tracts of land (on the condition that they be settled) as well as official posts in the sparsely populated eastern Ukrainian territories. For instance, by 1590 the palatine of Kiev, Prince Kostiantyn/Vasyl' K. Ostroz'kyi, owned, in the Kiev, Galician, and, especially, Volhynian palatinates, approximately 1,300 villages, 100 towns, 40 castles, and 600 churches. Similarly, by the early seventeenth century the Vyshnevets'kyi family owned nearly the entire Left Bank of the Kiev palatinate (claiming 230,000 subjects), and in Volhynia 13 noble families owned 57 percent of all land. These powerful magnates, as well as hundreds of smaller gentry, encouraged the migration of peasants from the more densely populated western territories of Poland, and the peasants were only too glad to escape the increasingly burdensome restrictions placed upon them by the serf system. To encourage these new immigrants, many of whom had to flee illegally from the manorial estates, the large landowners in the east offered them exemptions from rent and labor obligations (corvee) that could last up to 15, 20, and even 30 years. Even when these periods ran out, the subsequent labor dues and taxes were less than on estates in the western palatinates of Poland. Consequently, even if by the middle of the seventeenth century serfdom had not yet taken hold in Ukrainian lands east of Galicia, the efforts of landlords to restrict privileges and exact new labor dues brought discontent and the potential for social conflict.Whereas the nobility made concessions in order to attract settlers to the east, from the beginning they either owned outright or controlled the local mills for processing grain. They also retained the exclusive privilege of distilling and selling alcohol. The Polish and polonized Rus' magnates and gentry were often not willing, however, to run the huge estates over which they had control. Instead, they relied on leaseholders (arendars), mostly Jews, who eventually became the linchpin of Poland’s arenda (leaseholding) economic system.
More on the topic The Manorial Estate:
- 2 Husbandry and estate management: statutory standards
- Socioeconomic Developments
- SECTION F THE PEASANTRY
- Shares Exceeding the Estate (the Question of ٠Awl)
- Mobilisation Schemes in the Estate System
- INTRODUCTORY NOTES
- The Estate System in Ukraine
- Socioeconomic Developments
- Socioeconomic Developments in the Hetmanate
- Contents