Conclusion

As shown above, Acehnese women have organized into women’s NGOs and mobilized as a women’s movement as a response to the complex challenges that Acehnese women face. Conflict and the state’s repressive gender policies during the New Order authoritarian administration have created serious gender problems in Aceh.

It is these challenges that have driven women to mobilize and organize themselves into voluntary organizations aimed at supporting other Acehnese women. During conflict, local women’s NGOs activities have centred on providing protection, shelters and other basic needs for many Acehnese women and children. They have also started to engage with the promotion of women’s rights within the available political space.

The character of women’s movements in Aceh has also changed following Aceh’s transition to democracy in the late 1990s. As discussed, political democratization has become an important part of the political background to the proliferation of local women’s organizations in Aceh. It has also shifted the agenda of local women’s NGOs from focusing on economic, social and cultural rights to equality and civil and political rights. This shift has been possible with the arrival of national and international NGOs and foreign institutions in Aceh after the tsunami, which then boosts the development of local women’s NGOs. Women’s organizations have not just become part of women’s movements but developed as part of transnational global women’s movements.

While this chapter has highlighted the social and political circumstances surrounding the emergence of local women’s NGOs and women’s movements in Aceh, the next chapter will discuss how women’s NGOs and activists have responded to the implementation of Islamic law, and how their networks with international institutions and foreign NGOs have introduced them to a wider discussion on gender equality and women’s rights in international norms that has proved relevant to Acehnese responses to legal Islamization.

Notes

1 Bowen (2003) defines fatwa as legal opinions provided by Islamic scholars or jurists. For more accounts of fatwa in Indonesia, see for example Kaptein (2004) and Feener (2002, 2007).

2 For more on the political development in the lead up to Aceh’s war against the Dutch see for example Ricklefs (2001, 185–187).

3 See Chapter 1 for a discussion of Indonesia’s gender policies.

4 See also Jayawardena (1977, 159) in which she observed that men were not permanent residents in the village and they often left home. Men travelled for short or long periods for various economic activities, including to collect jungle products, to trade, or to attend centres of religious teaching. She calls it ‘sojourn away from the village’.

5 For more accounts of marriage in Aceh see Jayawardena (1977). Jayawardena (1977, 159–160) also comments on the role of parents in arranging marriage for their children. She has argued that in the past the practice of kin-marriage was common, the objective being to preserve property within the family, and the status of the family’s honour.

6 See also Robinson (1998), in which he elaborates the economic and political setting of the rise of Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM). According to Robinson, the oil and gas exploration activities at PT Arun and Mobil Oil were viewed by the leader of Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM), Hasan di Tiro, as ‘symbol of what was wrong in Aceh’. Robinson (1998, 139) argued that it was the state-capital link and the extreme centralization of economic decision-making that has stimulated a consciousness of shared fate among Acehnese and reinforced existing ideas of Acehnese identity and increased the credibility of Gerakan Aceh Merdeka. See also Siegel (2001) on villagers’ support for Gerakan Aceh Merdeka.

7 In a briefing paper released by ICTJ et al. (2008, 4), it was revealed that in 2000, the Exxon Mobil Oil paid the Indonesian military about US$500,000 per month for protecting the complex from attack by GAM.

8 For further accounts on various forms of tortures and military tactics orchestrated by the military, see Al-Chaidar (1999), Robinson (1998) and Schulze (2006).

9 It was reported, for example, that on the first day of the imposition of Martial Law on 13 May 2003 dozens of schools around the province were burnt to the ground (BBC News 2003). See also Schulze (2006, 232) who discusses the strategy of both sides, GAM and TNI, to burn schools.

10 At the time of my fieldwork, all university students were required to take Qur’an lessons. These new students were tested at the time of their enrolment to the university. The result of the test was used to identify the class level they should be in. One of my informants, a fourth-year student at the Syiah Kuala University, was one of the volunteers who teach these new students. She said that she was sometimes frustrated to see that there are lots of Acehnese who cannot read the Qur’an at all. Some of them do not even recognize the Arabic alphabet, which means these students have to learn from a very basic level.

11 Ita F. Nadia, interview, 23 February 2008.

12 Soraya Kamaruzzaman is currently a lecturer at Syiah Kuala University. Kamaruzzaman’s parents were both teachers. Many of her siblings become teachers and lecturers. She is one of the few activists with aristocratic blood, as she is the niece of Abu Lam U, one of the most famous Ulama leaders who owned a respected Dayah/Islamic traditional boarding school. In an interview she told me that the idea to create a women’s organization was driven by the increasing violence that Acehnese women had suffered.

13 Samsidar has been nominated to win the Nobel Prize and is a special rapporteur on violence against women, and chair of the Aceh Women Volunteers for Humanity (RPUK). She is currently the Aceh Program Director of International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ).

14 Farida was awarded Yap Thiam Hien Award in 1998 for her struggle in defending the rights of women and victims of conflict. See Bungong (2007).

15 Robinson (1998, 1278) wrote that during almost ten years of military operation more than 2,000 people were killed, and many others were arbitrarily detained, tortured and raped. There were various reports that provide different figures on the number of people killed, tortured, raped and disappeared. Based on its 26 January 2006 update, Koalisi NGO HAM Aceh reported seven forms of violence, which include enforced or involuntary disappearances, arbitrary arrests, torture and other cruelty, rape and sexual assault, gun shots and burning. The total number of casualties caused by seven forms of violations to human rights was 10,949 people since the Military Operation Status (DOM) in 1989 until the signing of Memorandum of Understanding in August 2005. Between 1989 to 2005, there were 11 types of military operation, which include Military Operation Status or DOM (1989–1998); Post-DOM (August to December 1998); Wibawa Operation (January to April 1999), Sadar Rencong Operation (May 1999 to May 2000); Cinta Meunasah Operation (June 2000 to 15 January 2000); Moratorium (16 January 2002 to 15 February 2002); COHA (9 December 2002 to 17 May 2003); Martial Law 1 and 2 (19 May 2003 to 18 May 2004); Civil Emergency 1 and 2 (19 May 2004 to 18 May 2004); MOU Helsinki (15 August 2005).

16 Unfortunately, soon after that historic event, a new chapter of conflict re-emerged and marked the beginning of another tragic humanitarian disaster in Aceh. Reports suggest that the year 1999 was, in fact, the beginning of one of the bloodiest episodes in the Aceh conflict. Kamaruzzaman (2000) observed that from January 1999 to February 2000 there were nine massacres in which 132 civilians were killed, 472 wounded, 304 arbitrarily detained and 318 extra-judicial executions and 138 cases of disappearances. In February 1999, more than 250,000 to 300,000 Acehnese became displaced.

17 Schulze (2006, 238) observes that there were repeated reports indicating that GAM had, in fact, played a role in creating massive numbers of refugees in 2001. According to Schulze, GAM forced villagers to leave villages and to stay in camps with the objective of attracting international media coverage, to generate international sympathy for GAM’s struggle for independence.

18 For an account of the success of RPUK, and its leadership, see Zeccola (2007).

19 For more accounts on legal cases arising from the tsunami and how it affects women, see for example, Fan (2006), Fitzpatrick (2008) and IDLO Report (no year of publication).

20 There has been no exact record of how many Acehnese men and women were killed by the tsunami. A report by Oxfam (2005) put the ratio of men and women killed at 1:3. The Gender Working Group (2007) reported that about 167,000 people were killed and missing, and about 500,000 people became homeless. Fan (2006, 2) also reported that about 252,323 houses were destroyed, and that about 300,000 parcels of lands were totally or partly damaged.

21 Interview, Banda Aceh, 7 June 2009.

22 Inong Balee was the name first given to women warriors who took up arms against the Portuguese, when the Islamic Kingdom of Aceh was ruled by Sultan Alauddin (1596–1604). These women were widows, as their husbands had been killed earlier during battle against the Portuguese in 1511. Laksamana Malahayati was the first leader of Inong Balee and she led some 2,000 women (Aceh Magazine 2007).

23 Financial compensation for those whose lives have been affected by conflict was introduced in 2002 by one of the former governors of Aceh, Azwar Abubakar. At that time, the compensation was to be given to all the immediate kin of people that were killed. It was a strategy to heal the anger of Acehnese and to stop the family members from taking revenge on the Indonesian military by joining GAM. The governor used an Arabic term, diyat, in the context of the implementation of Islamic law in Aceh.

24 Aceh Monitoring Mission, available at: www.aceh-mm.org/download/english/Helsinki%20MoU.pdf.

25 I am aware that at the district levels there have been also a number of women’s NGOs established after the tsunami and conflict. Some of them may have connections with the local NGOs in Banda Aceh but others are purely established by the local women at the district level. In this book, however, I focus my research only on Banda Aceh.

26 The Women’s Empowerment Bureau (Biro PP) is the only governmental official bureau that has the authority to coordinate the development of regional governmental policies pertaining to the issue of women empowerment in the province (IDLO Report 2008). The International Development Law Organization’s report explains that BIRO PP of NAD was first established in 1999 through Governor’s Decree No. 58 of 1999, but the office was only officially launched in 2000. To outline the authority of this bureau, the Provincial Government enacted Regional Regulation (or PERDA) No. 3/2001. According to this PERDA, the bureau is assigned to work under the structure of the Provincial Secretariat, which means it must report and liaise to the Secretariat before taking any action or endorsing a policy platform (IDLO Report, 30 January 2008).

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